John Fitzgerald Kennedy (May 29, 1917-November 22, 1963) was the 35th President of the United States, 1961-63, the youngest man and the first Roman Catholic ever elected to that position; assassinated in Dallas, Texas, November 22, the eighth President to die in office.
He promoted space program and moon exploration, sent federal troops to quiet race riots in Birmingham, aided peaceful integration of University of Alabama, 1963; resolved the Cuban-Missile Crisis, 1962; attempted the ill-fated Bay of Pigs invasion intended to end Communist control in Cuba, formed the Peace Corps, 1961; U.S. Senator, 1953-60; published Profiles in Courage, 1956, which won the Pulitzer Prize; undergoes spinal-fusion operation, 1954; married Jacqueline Lee Bouvier, 1953; U.S. Representative, 1946-52; employed by International News Service, 1945, covering United Nations conference; undergoes disc operation, 1944; commander of Patrol Torpedo boat PT-109 in the Pacific during World War II, 1943, sunk by Japanese destroyer; assigned to Motor Torpedo Boat Squadron, 1942; Ensign in Naval Reserve, 1941; published Why England Slept, 1940; graduated from Harvard, 1940; and attended Princeton University, 1935.
On September 12, 1960, Senator John F. Kennedy addressed Greater Houston Ministerial Association, Rice Hotel, Houston, Texas:
<I am grateful for your generous invitation to state my views.
While the so-called religious issue is necessarily and properly the chief topic here tonight, I want to emphasize from the outset that I believe that we have far more critical issues in the 1960 election: the spread of Communist influence, until it now festers only ninety miles off the coast of Florida - the humiliating treatment of our President and Vice President by those who no longer respect our power - the hungry children I saw in West Virginia, the old people who cannot pay their doctor's bills, the families forced to give up their farms - an America with too many slums, with too few schools, and too late to the moon and outer space.
These are the real issues which should decide this campaign. And they are not religious issues - for war and hunger and ignorance and despair know no religious barrier.
But because I am a Catholic and no Catholic has ever been elected President, the real issues in this campaign have been obscured - perhaps deliberately, in some quarters less responsible than this. So it is apparently necessary for me to state once again - not what kind of church I believe in for that should be important only to me, but what kind of America I believe in.
I believe in an America where the separation of church and state is absolute - where no Catholic prelate would tell the President (should he be a Catholic) how to act and no Protestant minister would tell his parishioners for whom to vote - where no church or church school is granted any public funds or political preference - and where no man is denied public office merely because his religion differs from the President who might appoint him or the people who might elect him.
I believe in an America that is officially neither Catholic, Protestant nor Jewish - where no public official either requests or accepts instructions on public policy from the Pope, the National Council of Churches or any other ecclesiastical source - where no religious body seeks to impose its will directly or indirectly upon the general populace or the public acts of its officials - and where religious liberty is so indivisible that an act against one church is treated as an act against all.
For, while this year it may be a Catholic against whom the finger of suspicion is pointed, in other years it has been, and may someday be again, a Jew - or a Quaker - or a Unitarian - or a Baptist. It was Virginia's harassment of Baptist preachers, for example, that led to Jefferson's statute of religious freedom. Today, I may be the victim - but tomorrow it may be you - until the whole fabric of our harmonious society is ripped apart at a time of great national peril.
Finally, I believe in an America where religious intolerance will someday end - where all men and all churches are treated as equal - where every man has the same right to attend or not to attend the church of his choice - where there is no Catholic vote, no anti-Catholic vote, no bloc voting of any kind - and where Catholics, Protestants and Jews, both the lay and the pastoral level, will refrain from those attitudes of disdain and division which have so often marred their works in the past, and promote instead the American ideal of brotherhood.
That is the kind of America in which I believe. And it represents the kind of Presidency in which I believe - a great office that must be neither humbled by making it the instrument of any religious group, nor tarnished by arbitrarily withholding it, its occupancy from the members of any religious group. I believe in a President whose views on religion are his own private affair, neither imposed upon him by the nation or imposed by the nation upon him as a condition to holding that office.
I would not look with favor upon a President working to subvert the First Amendment's guarantees of religious liberty (nor would our system of checks and balances permit him to do so). And neither do I look with favor upon those who would work to subvert Article VI of the Constitution by requiring a religious test - even by indirection - for if they disagree with that safeguard, they should be openly working to repeal it.
I want a chief executive whose public acts are responsible to all and obligated to none - who can attend any ceremony, service or dinner his office may appropriately require him to fulfill - and whose fulfillment of his Presidential office is not limited or conditioned by any religious oath, ritual or obligation.
This is the kind of America I believe in - and this is the kind of America I fought for in the South Pacific and the kind my brother died for in Europe. No one suggested then that we might have a "divided loyalty," that we did "not believe in liberty or that we belonged to a disloyal group that threatened "the freedoms for which our forefathers died."
And in fact this is the kind of America for which our forefathers did die when they fled here to escape religious test oaths, that denied office to members of less favored churches, when they fought for the Constitution, the Bill of Rights, the Virginia Statute of Religious Freedom - and when they fought at the shrine I visited today - the Alamo. For side by side with Bowie and Crockett died Fuentes and McCafferty and Bailey and Bedillio and Carey - but no one knows whether they were Catholics or not. For there was no religious test there.
I ask you tonight to follow in that tradition, to judge me on the basis of fourteen years in the Congress - on my declared stands against an ambassador to the Vatican, against unconstitutional aid to parochial schools, and against any boycott of the public schools (which I attended myself) - and instead of doing this do not judge me on the basis of these pamphlets and publications we have all seen that carefully select quotations out of context from the statements of Catholic Church leaders, usually in other countries, frequently in other centuries, and rarely relevant to any situation here - and always omitting of course, that statement of the American bishops in 1948 which strongly endorsed church-state separation.
I do not consider these other quotations binding upon my public acts - why should you? But let me say, with respect to other countries, that I am wholly opposed to the state being used by any religious group, Catholic or Protestant, to compel, prohibit or prosecute the free exercise of any other religion. And that goes for any persecution at any time, by anyone, in any country.
And I hope that you and I condemn with equal fervor those nations which deny it to Catholics. And rather than cite the misdeeds of those who differ, I would also cite the record of the Catholic Church in such nations as France and Ireland - and the independence of such statesmen as de Gaulle and Adenauer.
But let me stress again that these are my views - for, contrary to common newspaper usage, I am not the Catholic candidate for President [but the candidate] who happens also to be a Catholic. I do not speak for my church on public matters - and the church does not speak for me.
Whatever issue may come before me as President, if I should be elected
- on birth control, divorce, censorship, gambling, or any other subject - I will make my decision in accordance with these views, in accordance with what my conscience tells me to be in the national interest, and without regard to outside religious pressure or dictate. And no power or threat of punishment could cause me to decide otherwise.
But if the time should ever come - and I do not concede any conflict to be remotely possible - when my office would require me to either violate my conscience, or violate the national interest, then I would resign the office, and I hope any other conscientious public servant would do likewise.
But I do not intend to apologize for these views to my critics of either Catholic or Protestant faith, nor do I intend to disavow either my views or my church in order to win this election. If I should lose on the real issues, I shall return to my seat in the Senate satisfied that I tried my best and was fairly judged.
But if this election is decided on the basis that 40,000,000 Americans lost their chance of being President on the day they were baptized, then it is the whole nation that will be the loser in the eyes of Catholics and non-Catholics around the world, in the eyes of history, and in the eyes of our own people.
But if, on the other hand, I should win this election, I shall devote every effort of mind and spirit to fulfilling the oath of the Presidency - practically identical, I might add with the oath I have taken for fourteen years in the Congress. For, without reservation, I can, and I quote "solemnly swear that I will faithfully execute the office of President of the United States and will preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution so help me God."> 1917JK201
At a Commemorative Concert, October 23, 1960, John F. Kennedy stated:
<Americans will never...recognize Soviet domination of Hungary.
Hungary's claim to independence and liberty is not based on sentiment or politics. It is deeply rooted in history, in culture and in law. No matter what sort of puppet government they may maintain, we do not mean to see that claim abandoned. Americans intend to hasten...the day when the men and women of Hungary will stand again in freedom and justice.> 1917JK001
On Friday, January 20, 1961, President John F. Kennedy delivered his Inaugural Address, following prayers offered by a rabbi, a Protestant minister, a Catholic cardinal, a Greek Orthodox archbishop, and a poem read by Robert Frost. President Kennedy stated:
<Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice-President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens, we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom-symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning-signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God, the same solemn oath our forbears prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.
The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe-The belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state but from the hand of God....
Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty....
Let both sides united to heed in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah-to "undo the heavy burdens and to let the oppressed go free."(Is. 58:6)....
Now the trumpet summons us again-not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need; not as a call to battle, though embattled we are; but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in, and year out, "rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation"(Ro. 12:12)-a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself....
The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it-and the glow from that fire can truly light the world. And so, my fellow Americans-ask not what your country can do for you-ask what you can do for your country....
Let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.> 1917JK002
On January 31, 1961, in a message greeting President Quadros of Brazil on the occasion of his inauguration, President John F. Kennedy stated:
<Once in every twenty years presidential inaugurations in your country and mine occur within days of each other. This year of 1961 is signalized by the happy coincidence. At this time, each of us assumes challenging duties for which he has been freely chosen by his fellow citizens. To each of us is entrusted the heavy responsibility of guiding the affairs of a democratic nation founded on Christian ideals and aspiring to common goals of peace and human betterment.> 1917JK003
On February 9, 1961, at the 9th Annual Presidential Prayer Breakfast, sponsored by the International Christian Leadership, Inc., held at the Mayflower Hotel, Washington, D.C., President John F. Kennedy stated:
<Mr. Chairman, Dr. Graham, Mr. Vice-President-gentlemen:
I think it is most appropriate that we should be gathered together for this morning's meeting. This country was founded by men and women who were dedicated or came to be dedicated to two propositions: first, a strong religious conviction, and secondly a recognition that this conviction could flourish only under a system of freedom.
I think it is appropriate that we pay tribute to this great constitutional principle which is enshrined in the First Amendment of the Constitution: the principle of religious independence, of religious liberty, of religious freedom. But I think it is also important that we pay tribute and acknowledge another great principle, and that is the principle of religious conviction. Religious freedom has no significance unless it is accompanied by conviction. And therefore the Puritans and the Pilgrims of my own section of New England, the Quakers of Pennsylvania, the Catholics of Maryland, the Presbyterians of North Carolina, the Methodists and Baptists who came later, all shared these two great traditions which, like silver threads, have run through the warp and the woof of American history.
No man who enters upon the office to which I have succeeded can fail to recognize how every President of the United States has placed special reliance upon his faith in God. Every President has taken comfort and courage when told, as we are told today, that the Lord "will be with thee. He will not fail nor forsake thee. Fear not-neither be thou dismayed."
While they came from a variety of religious backgrounds and held a wide variety of religious beliefs, each of our Presidents in his own way has placed a special trust in God. Those who were strongest intellectually were also the strongest spiritually.
Today our Nation is passing through another time of trial. In many ways, our dangers and our problems are far greater-and certainly infinitely more complex. We will need to draw upon the best that this Nation has-often-and draw upon it physically and intellectually and materially.
But we need also to call upon our great reservoir of spiritual resources. We must recognize that human collaboration is not enough, that in times such as these we must reach beyond ourselves if we are to seek ultimate courage and infinite wisdom.
It is an ironic fact that in this nuclear age, when the horizon of human knowledge and human experience has passed far beyond any that any age has ever known, that we turn back at this time to the oldest source of wisdom and strength, to the words of the prophets and the saints, who tell us that faith is more powerful than doubt, that hope is more potent than despair, and that only through the love that is sometimes called charity can we conquer those forces within ourselves and throughout all the world that threaten the very existence of mankind.
Keeping in mind that "when a man's ways please the Lord, he maketh even his enemies to be at peace with him," let us go forth to lead this land that we love, joining in the prayer of General George Washington in 1783, "that God would have you in His holy protection, that He would incline the hearts of the citizens...to entertain a brotherly love and affection one for another...and finally that He would most graciously be pleased to dispose us all to do justice, to love mercy, and to demean ourselves with...the characteristics of the Divine Author of our blessed religion, without an humble imitation of whose example we can never hope to be a happy nation."
The guiding principle and prayer of this Nation has been, is now, and ever shall be "In God We Trust."
Thank you.> 1917JK004
On February 9, 1961, in addressing the ladies at the 9th Annual Presidential Prayer Breakfast, sponsored by the International Christian Leadership, Inc., held at the Mayflower Hotel, east room, Washington, D.C., President John F. Kennedy stated:
<Madam Chairwoman, Dr. Graham, Mr. Vice-President,
It seems to me that in the true Christian spirit next year we should all sit together, and that we should have gentlemen and ladies pray and reason together, and not confine them in different rooms.
But we are glad we came here-the Vice-President and I came upon the protection of Dr. Graham.
I do want to say that it is a pleasure to be here and to have participated in the breakfast this morning. I had an opportunity in the White House the other day to talk to a group of men and women from the Baptist World Alliance who have been missionaries, some in the Congo, one lady who has been in Bengal, India, since 1926, others who have been in Thailand and Korea.
I do not regard religion as a weapon in the cold war. I regard it as the essence of the differences which separate those on the other side of the Iron Curtain and ourselves.
The whole basis of the struggle is involved in the meeting this morning: our strong belief in religious freedom, our strong conviction, as I attempted to say in my inaugural, that the blessings which come to us cone not from the generosity of the state by from the hand of God-and this alternate concept that the state is the master and the people the servants.
This is really the essence of the issue. We cannot have religious freedom without political freedom, and therefore what we really need is not to confuse a system of freedom with one of disinterest, uninterest, cynicism, materialism, but like the ladies and gentlemen I talked to the other day, who have been willing to spend their lives under the most difficult of circumstances, in great hardships, in order to carry the message in which they have a great conviction, it seems to me it shows a lesson for us all.
We must match that faith. We must demonstrate in our lives, whatever our responsibility may be, that we care deeply.
I see no reason why the servants of the Communist system should be marked by a discipline and strong conviction in the ultimate success of their cause. I believe that our cause is just, that ultimately it will be successful. But it can only be successful if we demonstrate our strong conviction in it.
Religious freedom and religious conviction are the two hallmarks of American society, and therefore as a strong believer in both, I wanted to say that I deem it an honor to share this evidence of our common belief in these two great principles at this breakfast this morning. What we do this morning, I hope we can do every day.
Thank you.> 1917JK005
On April 27, 1961, President John F. Kennedy addressed the American Newspaper Publishers Association at the Waldorf-Astoria Hotel:
<The very word "secrecy" is repugnant in a free and open society; and we are as a people inherently and historically opposed to secret societies, to secret oaths and secret proceedings. We decided long ago that the dangers of excessive and unwarranted concealment of pertinent facts far outweighed the dangers which are cited to justify it.
Even today, there is little value in opposing the threat of a closed society by imitating its arbitrary restrictions. Even today, there is little value in insuring the survival of our nation if our traditions do not survive with it.
And there is very grave danger that an announced need for increased security will be seized upon those anxious to expand its meaning to the very limits of official censorship and concealment.
That I do not intend to permit to the extent that it is in my control. And no official of my Administration, whether his rank is high or low, civilian or military, should interpret my words here tonight as an excuse to censor the news, to stifle dissent, to cover up our mistakes or to withhold from the press and the public the facts they deserve to know...
For we are opposed around the world by a monolithic and ruthless conspiracy that relies on covert means for expanding its sphere of influence--on infiltration instead of invasion, on subversion instead of elections, on intimidation instead of free choice, on guerrillas by night instead of armies by day. It is a system which has conscripted vast human and material resources into the building of a tightly knit, highly efficient machine that combines military, diplomatic, intelligence, economic, scientific and political operations.
Its preparations are concealed, not published. Its mistakes are buried not headlined. Its dissenters are silenced, not praised. No expenditure is questioned, no rumor is printed, no secret is revealed...
No President should fear public scrutiny of his program. For from that scrutiny comes understanding; and from that understanding comes support or opposition. And both are necessary. I am not asking your newspapers to support the Administration, but I am asking your help in the tremendous task of informing and alerting the American people. For I have complete confidence in the response and dedication of our citizens whenever they are fully informed.
I not only could not stifle controversy among your readers-- I welcome it. This Administration intends to be candid about its errors; for as a wise man once said: "An error does not become a mistake until you refuse to correct it." We intend to accept full responsibility for our errors; and we expect you to point them out when we miss them.
Without debate, without criticism, no Administration and no country can succeed-- and no republic can survive. That is why the Athenian lawmaker Solon decreed it a crime for any citizen to shrink from controversy. And that is why our press was protected by the First Amendment-- the only business in America specifically protected by the Constitution-- not primarily to amuse and entertain, not to emphasize the trivial and sentimental, not to simply "give the public what it wants"--but to inform, to arouse, to reflect, to state our dangers and our opportunities, to indicate our crises and our choices, to lead, mold educate and sometimes even anger public opinion.
This means greater coverage and analysis of international news-- for it is no longer far away and foreign but close at hand and local. It means greater attention to improved understanding of the news as well as improved transmission. And it means, finally, that government at all levels, must meet its obligation to provide you with the fullest possible information outside the narrowest limits of national security...and we intend to do it...
And so it is to the printing press--to the recorder of mans deeds, the keeper of his conscience, the courier of his news-- that we look for strength and assistance, confident that with your help man will be what he was born to be: free and independent.> 1917JK106
On September 28, 1961, President John F. Kennedy issued Proclamation 3436-National Day of Prayer:
<Office of the Federal Register, By the President of the United States of America, A Proclamation
Our founding fathers came to these shores trusting in God, and in reliance upon His grace. They charted the course of free institutions under a government deriving its powers from the consent of the people. In the General Congress assembled they appealed the rectitude of their intentions to the Supreme Judge of the world, and "with firm reliance on the protection of Divine Providence" they mutually pledged their lives, their fortunes, and their most sacred honor.
During the deliberations in the Constitutional Convention they were called to daily prayers, with the reminder in sacred Scripture it is written that "except the Lord build the house, they labor in vain that build It," and they were warned that without the concurring aid of Providence they would succeed in the political building "no better than the builders of Babel."
In every succeeding generation the people of this country have emulated their fathers in defending their liberties with their fortunes and their lives. Conscious of our continuing need to bring our actions under the searching light of Divine Judgment, the Congress of the United States by joint resolution approved on the seventeenth day of April 1952 provided that "The President shall set aside and proclaim a suitable day each year, other than a Sunday, as a National Day of Prayer, on which the people of the United States may turn to God in prayer and meditation at churches, in groups, and as individuals."
Now, Therefore, I, John Fitzgerald Kennedy, President of the United States, do set aside and proclaim Wednesday, the fourth day of October 1961, as the National Day of Prayer.
Let us all pray, inviting as many as may be visitors in our country to join us in our prayers, each according to his own custom and faith, for our Nation and for all peoples everywhere in the world; and most especially-
For Divine guidance in our efforts to lead our children in the ways of truth; that they may have the best opportunities we can provide as an environment in which to grow in body, mind and spirit, and to the end they may be at their best in their day as the responsible trustees of the great heritage which has come to us from those who went before us;
For a spirit of wisdom and understanding, as we move toward new frontiers of cooperation and brotherhood to overcome the curse of hunger, of ignorance, of superstition and of disease, by harnessing scientific knowledge to moral purpose;
For willing hands and a spirit of dedication, that, in awareness that this Nation under God has achieved its great service to mankind through the toil and sacrifices and subordination of personal desires to common welfare, we may move forward in the unconquerable spirit of a free people, making whatever sacrifices that need be made to neutralize the evil designs of evil men, and to work for goals of human betterment that lie beyond our span of years;
For peace in our time with freedom and justice and dignity for all mankind; and Recognizing our own shortcomings may we be granted forgiveness and cleansing, that God shall bless us and be gracious unto us, and cause His face to shine upon us as we stand everyone of us on this day in His Presence.
In Witness Whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the Seal of the United States of America to be affixed.
DONE at the City of Washington this twenty-eighth day of September in the year of our Lord nineteen hundred and sixty-one, and of the Independence of the United States of America the one hundred and eighty-sixth.
JOHN F. KENNEDY, By the President: CHESTER BOWLES, Acting Secretary of State.> 1917JK006
On October 28, 1961, President John F. Kennedy issued Proclamation 3438, National Thanksgiving Day, 1961:
<By the President of the United States of America a Proclamation: "It is a good thing to give thanks unto the Lord."
More than three centuries ago, the Pilgrims, after a year of hardship and peril, humbly and reverently set aside a special day upon which to give thanks to God for their preservation and for the good harvest from the virgin soil upon which they had labored. Grave and unknown dangers remained. Yet by their faith and by their toil they had survived the rigors of the harsh New England winter. Hence they paused in their labors to give thanks for the blessings that had been bestowed upon them by Divine Providence.
This year, as the harvest draws near its close and the year approaches its end, awesome perils again remain to be faced. Yet we have, as in the past, ample reason to be thankful for the abundance of our blessings. We are grateful for the blessings of faith and health and strength and for the imperishable spiritual gifts of love and hope. We give thanks, too, for our freedom as a nation; for the strength of our arms and the faith of our friends; for the beliefs and confidence we share; for our determination to stand firmly for what we believe to be right and to resist mightily what we believe to be base; and for the heritage of liberty bequeathed by our ancestors which we are privileged to preserve for our children and our children's children.
It is right that we should be grateful for the plenty amidst which we live; the productivity of our farms, the output of our factories, the skill of our artisans, and the ingenuity of our investors. But in the midst of our thanksgiving, let us not be unmindful of the plight of those in many parts of the world to whom hunger is no stranger and the plight of those millions more who live without the blessings of liberty and freedom. With some we are to share our material abundance through our Food-for-Peace Program and through our support of the United Nations Freedom-from-Hunger Campaign. To all we can offer the sustenance of hope that we shall not fail in our unceasing efforts to make this a peaceful and prosperous world for all mankind.
Now, Therefore, I, John F. Kennedy, President of the United States of America, in consonance with the joint resolution of Congress approved December 26, 1941, which designates the fourth Thursday in November of each year as Thanksgiving Day, do hereby proclaim Thursday, the twenty-third day of November of this year, as a day of national thanksgiving.
I urge all citizens to make this Thanksgiving not merely a holiday from their labors, but rather a day of contemplation. I ask the head of each family to recount to his children the story of the first New England Thanksgiving, thus to impress upon future generations the heritage of this nation born in toil, in danger, in purpose, and in the conviction that right and justice and freedom can through man's efforts persevere and come to fruition with the blessing of God.
Let us observe this day with reverence and with prayer that will rekindle in us the will and show us the way not only to preserve our blessings, but also to extend them to the four corners of the earth. Let us by our example, as well as by our material aid, assist all peoples of all nations who are striving to achieve a better life in freedom.
IN WITNESS WHEREOF, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the Seal of the United States of America to be affixed.
Done at the City of Washington this twenty-seventh day of October in the year of our Lord nineteen hundred and sixty-one, and of the Independence of the United States of America the one hundred and eighty-sixth.
John F. Kennedy. By the President.
Dean Rusk, Secretary of State.> 1917JK007
On Thursday, November 16, 1961, at the University of Washington, President John F. Kennedy stated:
<While we negotiate freely, we shall not negotiate freedom. Our answer to the classic question of Patrick Henry is still "No." Life is not so dear and peace is not so precious "...as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery."...
No other generation of free men in any country has ever faced so many and such difficult challenges-not even those who lived in the days when this university was founded in 1861.
This nation was then torn by war. This territory had only the simplest elements of civilization. And this city had barely begun to function. But a university was one of their earliest thoughts, and they summed it up in the motto that they adopted: "Let there be light." What more can be said today regarding all the dark and tangled problems we face than: Let there be light.> 1917JK008
On November 21, 1961, to the officers of the National Conference of Christians and Jews, meeting in the Rose Garden of the White House, Washington, D.C., President John F. Kennedy stated:
<Gentlemen:
I want to express my great pleasure at having you here today at the White House. I think your efforts in this field represent a very valuable service to our country. It has always seemed to me that when we all-regardless of our particular religious convictions-draw our guidance and inspiration, and really in a sense moral direction from the same general area, the Bible, the Old and the New Testaments, we have every reason to believe that our various religious denominations should live together in the closest harmony.
We have a great advantage, really, in so much of the world, in having such common roots, and therefore though our convictions may take us in different directions in our faith, nevertheless the basic presumption of the moral law, the existence of God, man's relationship to Him-there is generally consensus on those questions.
So that we should set a happy model for the world, but like all things, these things cannot be taken for granted. Your efforts, really, over the last period of 30 years, I think have done perhaps more than any other factor in our national life to provide for harmonious living among our different religious groups.
I think there are still important tasks ahead, so I am delighted to hear, Doctor Lewis Webster Jones, that your group is committing itself to an intelligent and nonpartisan and open discussion-continued discussion, really-of the relationship between the state and religion.
It, after all, was a matter which occupied our Founding Fathers, and should occupy our attention; and I am hopeful that the fact that you are discussing it will be another evidence of what an open and happy society we live in. So I welcome you here. I congratulate you for the efforts you are making in this area. You are performing a valuable function as citizens. And therefore, speaking as President, and personally, we want to emphasize how much your work is appreciated, how valuable it is, and what a service you're rendering.
Thank you.> 1917JK009
On March 1, 1962, at the 10th Annual Presidential Prayer Breakfast, Mayflower Hotel, Washington, D.C., President John F. Kennedy stated:
<Senator Frank Carlson-KS, Judge Boyd Leedom, Mr. Speaker John W. McCormick-Mass, Mr. Justice Earl Warren, Governor Price Daniel-Tx, gentlemen:
I want to, as President, express my appreciation to all those whose efforts make this breakfast possible. This is only one of a worldwide effort, I believe, to build a closer and more intimate association among those different faiths in different countries and in different continents, who are united by a common belief in God, and therefore united in a common commitment to the moral order-and as Governor Daniels said, the relationship of the individual to the state.
The effort made in New Delhi among the World Council of Churches, the efforts that have been made in Europe to build better understanding among men and women of different faiths, the effort made in this country, I believe are most important and most essential.
I do not suggest that religion is an instrument of the cold war. Rather it is the basis of the issue which separates us from those who make themselves our adversary. And at the heart of the matter, of course, is the position of the individual-his importance, his sanctity, his relationship to his fellow men, his relationship to his country and his state. This is in essence the struggle, and it is necessary, therefore, that in these difficult days, when men and women who have strong religious convictions are beleaguered by those who are neither hot nor cold, or by those who are icy cold, it is important that we make these common efforts-as we do this morning. So I congratulate you all, and express appreciation to you and hope that it will serve as an inspiration to others in other parts of our country.
I believe yesterday we saw an interesting contrast in the response which Colonel Glenn made as to whether he had prayed, and he said that he had not, that he had made his peace with his Maker many years before, and the statement made by Titov in which during his flight, as he flew over the Soviet Union he realized, he said, the wonders of the Communist system.
I preferred Colonel Glenn's answer because I thought it was solidly based, in his own life, in his activities in his church, and I think it reflects a quality which we like to believe and I think we can believe is much a part of our American heritage. So I congratulate you.
In our program this morning there is a quotation from Lincoln which I think is particularly applicable today. He said, "I believe there is a God. I see the storm coming, and I believe He has a hand in it. If He has a part and a place for me, I believe that I am ready." We see the storm coming, and we believe He has a hand in it; and if He has a place and a part for us, I believe that we are ready.> 1917JK010
On March 1, 1962, in addressing the ladies in the state and east rooms at the 10th Annual Presidential Prayer Breakfast, Mayflower Hotel, Washington, D.C., President John F. Kennedy stated:
<Ladies,
Last year I expressed some concern that instead of having been separated at these breakfasts-the pharisees and the publicans and the sinners and the saints-that the separation occurred on the basis of sex and not on those who should have been in the front room and those who were in the back room.
I do want to say, however-express my appreciation to you for the effort that you are making, to tell you how valuable I think it is that in this Capitol of this most important country, upon which so much depends, that these breakfasts should be held, and that this demonstration of our commitment should be made.
We bear great responsibilities and great burdens not only to ourselves in this country but to so many around the world whose future hangs in the balance and depends so much on us.
We may not feel that our efforts are always appreciated, and I am not sure that that is so important, but we want to make sure that our efforts are effective, and that this generation-which faces the greatest challenges that any country, any free people, have ever faced, and moves in the midst of the greatest opportunities and the greatest of dangers-that we shall meet our responsibility, which carries with it an obligation to our country, but I think those who desire to live a life of freedom and a life which permits them to participate with their neighbors and with God in the way they choose.
So I commend you for the example you set to us all. Upon your convictions and your efforts so much depends, and it is a source of satisfaction to be here with Mrs. Johnson, the Vice-President's wife and with the Governor of Texas,-and Senator Carlson-Senator Stennis-most importantly, I think, of Reverend Billy Graham, who has served this cause about which I speak so well here and around the world. He has, I think, transmitted this most important quality of our common commitments to faith in a way which makes all of us particularly proud.
So we are glad to see you this morning, and we appreciate what you are doing.> 1917JK011
On October 11, 1962, President John F. Kennedy issued Proclamation 3501, A National Day of Prayer:
<Office of the Federal Register, by the President of the United States of America, A Proclamation.
Whereas faith in Almighty God was a dominant power in the lives of our Founding Fathers; and
Whereas they expressed this faith in prayer, and in this posture members of the Continental Congress mutually pledged their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honor; and
Whereas each succeeding generation has shared that faith; and Whereas in full recognition of our dependence upon Almighty God and
for our continuing need of His great blessings, the Congress of the United States by joint resolution approved on the seventeenth day of April 1952 a provision that "The President shall set aside and proclaim a suitable day each year, other than a Sunday, as a National Day of Prayer, on which the people of the United States may turn to God in prayer and meditation at churches, in groups, and as individuals":
Now, Therefore, I, John F. Kennedy, President of the United States, do set aside and proclaim Wednesday, the seventeenth day of October 1962, as the National Day of Prayer.
On this day, let us all pray, each following the practices of his own faith. Let us pray for our Nation and for other nations of the world. Alay we especially ask God's blessing upon-
Our homes, that this integral unit of society may nurture our youth and give to them the needed faith in God, in our Nation, and in their future;
Our citizens, that they may increase in the desire to promote mercy and justice, peace and freedom, good will and brotherhood; that they may open new frontiers in helping to alleviate hunger, ignorance and disease;
Our Nation, that each new achievement may add to our heritage of faith;
And our world, that this generation may experience the fruits of peace and may know the real meaning of brotherhood under God.
In Witness Whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the Seal of the United States of America to be affixed.
DONE at the City of Washington this 11th day of October, in the year of our Lord nineteen hundred and sixty-two, and of the Independence of the United States of America the one hundred and eighty-seventh.
JOHN F. KENNEDY, By the President, DEAN RUSK> 1917JK211
On November 7, 1962, President John F. Kennedy, issued Proclamation 3505, Thanksgiving Day, 1962:
<By the President of the United States of America, A Proclamation. Over three centuries ago in Plymouth, on Massachusetts Bay, the
Pilgrims established the custom of gathering together each year to express their gratitude to God for the preservation of their community and for the harvests their labors brought forth in the new land. Joining with their neighbors, they shared together and worshipped together in a common giving of thanks.
Thanksgiving Day has ever since been part of the fabric which has united Americans with their past, with each other and with the future of all mankind.
It is fitting that we observe this year our own day of thanksgiving. It is fitting that we give our thanks for the safety of our land, for the fertility of our harvests, for the strength of our liberties, for the health of our people. We do so in no spirit of self-righteousness. We recognize that we are the beneficiaries of the toil and devotion of our fathers and that we can pass their legacy on to our children only by equal toil and equal devotion. We recognize too that we live in a world of peril and change-and in so uncertain a time we are all the more grateful for the indestructible gifts of hope and love, which sustain us in adversity and inspire us to labor unceasingly for a more perfect community within this nation and around the earth.
Now, Therefore, I, John F. Kennedy, President of the United States of America, in accord with the joint resolution of Congress, approved December 26, 1941, which designates the fourth Thursday in November of each year as Thanksgiving Day, do hereby proclaim Thursday, the twenty-second day of November of this year, as a day of national thanksgiving.
I urge that all observe this day with reverence and with humility.
Let us renew the spirit of the Pilgrims at the first Thanksgiving, lonely in an inscrutable wilderness, facing the dark unknown with a faith borne of their dedication to God and a fortitude drawn from their sense that all men were brothers.
Let us renew that spirit by offering our thanks for uncovenanted mercies, beyond our desert or merit, and by resolving to meet the responsibilities placed upon us.
Let us renew that spirit by sharing the abundance of this day with those less fortunate, in our own land and abroad. Let us renew that spirit by seeking always to establish larger communities of brotherhood.
Let us renew that spirit by preparing our souls for the incertitude's ahead-by being always ready to confront crisis with steadfastness and achievement with grace and modesty.
Let us renew that spirit by concerting our energy and our hope with men and women everywhere that the world may move more rapidly toward the time when Thanksgiving may be a day of universal celebration.
Let us renew that spirit by expressing our acceptance of the limitations of human striving and by affirming our duty to strive nonetheless, as Providence may direct us, toward a better world for all mankind.
In Witness Whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States of America to be affixed.
DONE at the City of Washington this 7th day of November, in the year of our Lord nineteen hundred and sixty-two, and of the Independence of the United States of America the one hundred and eighty-seventh.
JOHN F. KENNEDY, By the President, DEAN RUSK, Secretary of State> 1917JK311
On December 17, 1962, in the Pageant of Peace Ceremonies lighting the National Christmas Tree, President John F. Kennedy stated:
<With the lighting of this tree, which is an old ceremony in Washington and one which has been among the most important responsibilities of a good many Presidents of the United States, we initiate in a formal way the Christmas Season. We mark the festival of Christmas which is the most sacred and hopeful day in our civilization. For nearly two thousand years the message of Christmas, the message of peace and good will towards all men, has been the guiding star of our endeavors...Pause from their labors on the 25th day of December to celebrate the birthday of the Prince of Peace...We still need to ask God to bless everyone.> 1917JK012
On June 26, 1963, John F. Kennedy spoke at the wall dividing free West Berlin from Communist East Berlin:
<There are many people...who really don't understand...what is the great issue between the free world and the Communist world. Let them come to Berlin.
There are some who say Communism is the wave of the future. Let them come to Berlin...
There are...a few who say that it is true that Communism is an evil system, but it permits us to make economic progress...Let them come to Berlin.
Freedom has its difficulties and is not perfect, but we have never had to put a wall up to keep our people in.> 1917JK013
On Thursday, July 11, 1963, in a radio and television address to the Nation, President John F. Kennedy stated:
<It ought to be possible, in short, for every American to enjoy the privileges of being American without regard to his race or his color. In short, every American ought to have the right to be treated as he would wish to be treated, as one would wish his children to be treated....
We are confronted primarily with a moral issue. It is as old as the Scriptures and is as clear as the American Constitution....We face, therefore, a moral crisis as a country and as a people.> 1917JK014
In 1960, President John F. Kennedy wrote the Introduction to a 16- volume American Heritage New Illustrated History of the United States, published by Dell Publishing Company:
<There is little that is more important for an American citizen to know than the history and traditions of his country. Without such knowledge, he stands uncertain and defenseless before the world, knowing neither where he has come from nor where lie is going. With such knowledge, he is no longer alone but draws a strength far greater than his own from the cumulative experience of the past and a cumulative vision of the future.
Knowledge of our history is, first of all, a pleasure for its own sake. The American past is a record of stirring achievement in the face of stubborn difficulty. It is a record filled with figures larger than life, with high drama and hard decision, with valor and with tragedy, with incidents both poignant and picturesque, and with the excitement and hope involved in the conquest of a wilderness and the settlement of a continent. For the true historian-and for the true student of history-history is an end in itself. It fulfills a deep human need for understanding, and the satisfaction it provides requires no further justification.
Yet, though no further justification is required for the study of history, it would not be correct to say that history serves no further use than the satisfaction of the historian. History, after all, is the memory of a nation. Just as memory enables the individual to learn, to choose goals and stick to them, to avoid making the same mistake twice-in short, to grow-so history is the means by which a nation establishes its sense of identity and purpose. The future arises out of the past, and a country's history is a statement of the values and hopes which, having forged what has gone before, will now forecast what is to come.
As means of knowledge, history becomes a means of judgment. It offers an understanding of both the variety and unity of a nation whose motto is E Pluribus Unum-out of many, one. It reminds us of the diverse abundance of our people, coming from all races and all parts of the world, of our fields and mountain ranges, deserts and great rivers, our green farmlands and the thousand voices of our cities. No revolution in communication or transportation can destroy the fact that this continent is, as Walt Whitman said, "a nation of nations." Yet it also reminds us that, in spite of the diversity of ethnic origin, of geographic locale, of occupation, of social status, of religious creed, of political commitment, Americans are united by an ancient and encompassing faith in progress, justice, and freedom.
Our history thus tests our policy: Our past judges our present. Of all the disciplines, the study of the folly and achievements of man is best calculated to foster the critical sense of what is permanent and meaningful amid the mass of superficial and transient questions which make up the day-to-day clamor. The history of our nation tells us that every action taken against the freedoms of conscience and expression, against equality before the law and equality of opportunity, against the ordinary men and women of the country is an action taken against the American tradition. And it tells us that every action taken for a larger freedom and a more equal and spacious society is one more step toward realization of what Herbert Croly once called "the promise of American life."
A knowledge of history is more than a means of judgment: It is also a means of sympathy-a means of relating our own experience with the experience of other peoples and lands struggling for national fulfillment. We may sometimes forget, for example, that the United States began as an underdeveloped nation which seized its independence by carrying out a successful revolution against a colonial empire. We may forget that, in the first years of the new republic, George Washington laid down the principle of no "permanent alliances" and enjoined the United States to a course of neutralism in the face of the great-power conflicts then dividing the civilized world. We may forget that, in the first stages of our economic development, our national growth was stimulated to a considerable degree by "foreign aid"-that is, investment from abroad-and by public investment and direction on the part of our state and local as well as our national government. We may forget that our own process of economic change was often accompanied by the issue of wildcat paper money, by the repudiation of bonds, by disorder, fraud, and violence. If we recall the facts of our own past, we may better understand the problems and predicaments of contemporary "new nations" laboring for national development in circumstances far less favorable than our own- and we will, in consequence, become less liable to the self-righteousness which is both unworthy of our own traditions and a bane of international relations.
A knowledge of history is, in addition, a means of strength. "In times of change and danger," John Dos Passos wrote just before World War II, "when there is a quicksand of fear under men's reasoning, a sense of continuity with generations gone before can stretch like a life line across the scary present." Dos Passos called his book The Ground We Stand On-and the title concisely defines the role of the past in preparing us for the crisis of the present and the challenge of the future. When Americans fight for individual liberty, they have Thomas Jefferson and James Madison beside them; when they strive for social justice, they strive alongside Andrew Jackson and Franklin Roosevelt; when they work for peace and a world community, they work with Woodrow Wilson; when they fight and die in wars to make men free, they fight and die with Abraham Lincoln. Historic continuity with the past, as Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes said, "is not a duty; it is only a necessity."
A knowledge of history is, above all, a means of responsibility-of responsibility to the past and of responsibility to the future...of responsibility to those who came before us and struggled and sacrificed to pass on to us our precious inheritance of freedom...and of responsibility to those who will come after us and to whom we must pass on that inheritance with what new strength and substance it is within our power to add. "Fellow citizens," Abraham Lincoln said, "we cannot escape history...The fiery trial through which we pass will light us down, in honor or dishonor, to the latest generation." American history is not something dead and over. It is always alive, always growing, always unfinished- and every American today has Iris own contribution to make to the great fabric of tradition and hope which binds all Americans, dead and living and yet to be born, in a common faith and a common destiny.> 1917JK015
President John F. Kennedy stated:
<Human brotherhood is not just a goal it is a condition on which our way of life depends. The question for our time is not whether all men are brothers. That question has been answered by the God who placed us on Earth together. The question is whether we have the strength and will to make the brotherhood of man the guiding principle of our daily lives.> 1917JK016
On Friday, November 22, 1963, President John F. Kennedy was killed in an assassination plot. The speech he was about to deliver at the Dallas Trade Mart concluded with these words:
<We in this country, in this generation, are-by destiny rather than choice-the watchmen on the walls of world freedom. We ask, therefore, that we may be worthy of our power and responsibility, that we may exercise our strength with wisdom and restraint, and that we may achieve in our time and for all time the ancient vision of peace on earth, goodwill toward men.
That must always be our goal-and the righteousness of our cause must always underlie our strength. For as was written long ago, "Except the Lord keep the city, the watchman waketh but in vain."> 1917JK017
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American Quotations by William J. Federer, 2024, All Rights Reserved, Permission granted to use with acknowledgement.
Endnotes:
1917JK001. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). John Fitzgerald Kennedy, October 23, 1960, at a Commemorative Concert.
1917JK002. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). John Fitzgerald Kennedy, January 20, 1961, Friday, in his Inaugural Address. Inaugural Addresses of the Presidents of the United States-From George Washington 1789 to Richard Milhous Nixon 1969 (Washington, D.C.: United States Government Printing Office; 91st Congress, 1st Session, House Document 91-142, 1969), pp. 267-270. Department of State Bulletin (published weekly by the Office of Public Services, Bureau of Public Affairs, February 6, 1961). Davis Newton Lott, The Inaugural Addresses of the American Presidents (NY: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1961), p. 269. Charles E. Rice, The Supreme Court and Public Prayer (New York: Fordham University Press, 1964), p. 193. Benjamin Weiss, God in American History: A Documentation of America's Religious Heritage (Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan, 1966), p. 146. The Annals of America, 20 vols. (Chicago, IL: Encyclopedia Britannica, 1968), Vol. XVIII, pp. 5-7. Lillian W. Kay, ed., The Ground on Which We Stand-Basic Documents of American History (NY: Franklin Watts., Inc, 1969), p. 296. Willard Cantelon, Money Master of the World (Plainfield, NJ: Logos International, 1976), p. 121-122. Bob Arnebeck, "FDR Invoked God Too," Washington Post, September 21, 1986. Vincent J. Wilson, ed., The Book of Great American Documents (Brookfield, MD: American History Research Associates, 1987), p. 84. Halford Ross Ryan, American Rhetoric from Roosevelt to Reagan (Prospect Heights, IL: Waveland Press, 1987), p. 156. Jeffrey K. Hadden and Anson Shupe, Televangelism-Power & Politics on God's Frontier (NY: Henry Holt and Company, 1988), p. 272. Ronald Reid, ed., Three Centuries of American Rhetorical Discourse: An Anthology and a Review (Prospect Heights, Il: Waveland Press, Inc., 1988), p. 711. William Safire, ed., Lend Me Your Ears- Great Speeches in History (NY: W.W. Norton & Company 1992), p. 812. Peter Marshall and David Manuel, The Glory of America (Bloomington, MN: Garborg's Heart 'N Home, Inc., 1991), 1.20. Proclaim Liberty (Dallas, TX: Word of Faith), p. 3. J. Michael Sharman, J.D., Faith of the Fathers (Culpeper, Virginia: Victory Publishing, 1995), pp. 111-112.
1917JK003. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). John Fitzgerald Kennedy, January 31, 1961, in a message greeting President Quadros of Brazil on the occasion of his inauguration. Nicholas A. Schneider, editor, Religious Views of President John F. Kennedy-In His Own Words (St. Louis-London: B. Herder Book Co., 1965), p. 90.
1917JK004. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). John Fitzgerald Kennedy, February 9, 1961, at the 9th Annual Presidential Prayer Breakfast, sponsored by the International Christian Leadership, Inc., held at the Mayflower Hotel, Washington, D.C. Nicholas A. Schneider, editor, Religious Views of President John F. Kennedy-In His Own Words (St. Louis-London: B. Herder Book Co., 1965), pp. 3-5. T.S. Settel, editor, The Faith of JFK (New York: E.P. Dutton & Co., Inc., 1965; introduction by Richard Cardinal Cushing), pp. 85-86.
1917JK005. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). John Fitzgerald Kennedy, February 9, 1961, in addressing the ladies at the 9th Annual Presidential Prayer Breakfast, sponsored by the International Christian Leadership, Inc., held at the Mayflower Hotel, east room, Washington, D.C. Nicholas A. Schneider, editor, Religious Views of President John F. Kennedy-In His Own Words (St. Louis-London: B. Herder Book Co., 1965), pp. 6-7.
1917JK106. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). John F. Kennedy, April 27, 1961, address to the American Newspaper Publishers Association at the Waldorf-Astoria Hotel. http://www.jfklibrary.org/Asset- Viewer/BqXIEM9F4024ntFl7SVAjA.aspx?gclid=CKqf1Yj6yqkCFQQ7gwod1y 0bLw
1917JK006. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). John Fitzgerald Kennedy, September 28, 1961, Proclamation 3436-National Day of Prayer, Office of the Federal Register, by the President, CHESTER BOWLES, Acting Secretary of State. James Madison, The Papers of James Madison, Henry D. Gilpin, ed. (Washington: Langtree & O'Sullivan, 1840), Vol. II, p. 985.
1917JK007. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). John Fitzgerald Kennedy, October 28, 1961, National Thanksgiving Day Proclamation 3438. T.S. Settel, editor, The Faith of JFK (New York: E.P. Dutton & Co., Inc., 1965; introduction by Richard Cardinal Cushing), pp. 119-120. Nicholas A. Schneider, editor, Religious Views of President John F. Kennedy-In His Own Words (St. Louis-London: B. Herder Book Co., 1965), pp. 65-66.
1917JK008. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). John Fitzgerald Kennedy, November 16, 1961, at the University of Washington. "Diplomacy and Defense: A Test of National Maturity," Department of State Bulletin (published weekly by the Office of Public Services, Bureau of Public Affairs, December 4, 1961). The Annals of America 20 Vols. (Chicago, IL: Encyclopedia Britannica, Inc., 1976), Vol. 18, pp. 54-57.
1917JK009. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). John Fitzgerald Kennedy, November 21, 1961, to the officers of the National Conference of Christians and Jews, meeting in the Rose Garden of the White House, Washington, D.C. Nicholas A. Schneider, editor, Religious Views of President John F. Kennedy-In His Own Words (St. Louis-London: B. Herder Book Co., 1965), pp. 9-10.
1917JK010. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). John Fitzgerald Kennedy, March 1, 1962, statement given at the 10th Annual Presidential Prayer Breakfast, Mayflower Hotel, Washington, D.C. Nicholas A. Schneider, editor, Religious Views of President John F. Kennedy-In His Own Words (St. Louis- London: B. Herder Book Co., 1965), pp. 11-14. T.S. Settel, editor, The Faith of JFK (New York: E.P. Dutton & Co., Inc., 1965; introduction by Richard Cardinal Cushing), pp. 92-93. James Playsted Wood, editor, The Life and Words of John F. Kennedy (New York: Scholastic Book Services, Country Beautiful Foundation, Inc., 1964), p. 79.
1917JK011. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). John Fitzgerald Kennedy, March 1, 1962, statement given in addressing the ladies in the state and east rooms at the 10th Annual Presidential Prayer Breakfast, Mayflower Hotel, Washington, D.C. Nicholas A. Schneider, editor, Religious Views of President John F. Kennedy-In His Own Words (St. Louis-London: B. Herder Book Co., 1965), pp. 11-14.
1917JK211. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). John Fitzgerald Kennedy, October 11, 1962, issued Proclamation 3501, A National Day of Prayer, Office of the Federal Register, by the President of the United States of America, by the President, Dean Rusk.
1917JK311. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). John Fitzgerald Kennedy, November 7, 1962, issued Proclamation 3505, Thanksgiving Day, By the President of the United States of America, Dean Rusk, Secretary of State.
1917JK012. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). John Fitzgerald Kennedy, December 17, 1962, in the Pageant of Peace Ceremonies lighting the National Christmas Tree. T.S. Settle, The Faith of JFK-Introduction by Richard Cardinal Cushing (New York: E.P. Dutton and Company, Inc., 1965), pp. 125- 127.
1917JK013. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). John Fitzgerald Kennedy, June 26, 1963, at the wall dividing free West Berlin from Communist East Berlin.
1917JK014. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). John Fitzgerald Kennedy, July 11, 1963, in a radio and television address to the Nation. Congressional Record, 88th Congress, 1st Session, pp. 10965-10966. The Annals of America 20 Vols. (Chicago, IL: Encyclopedia Britannica, Inc., 1976), Vol. 18, pp. 152-155.
1917JK015. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). John Fitzgerald Kennedy, 1960, Introduction to a 16-volume American Heritage New Illustrated History of the United States, published by Dell Publishing Company statement. Our American Heritage (NY: Harper & Row, Publishers, Inc., 1970), p. 212.
1917JK016. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). John Fitzgerald Kennedy, statement. Herbert V. Prochnow, 5100 Quotations for Speakers and Writers (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House, 1992), p. 479.
1917JK017. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). John Fitzgerald Kennedy, November 22, 1963, the conclusion to the speech he had prepared to give at the Dallas Trade Mart, before he was assassinated. Congressional Record, 88th Congress, 1st Session, pp. 22823-22824. The Annals of America, 20 vols. (Chicago, IL: Encyclopedia Britannica, 1968), Vol. XVIII, p. 201. Peter Marshall and David Manuel, The Glory of America (Bloomington, MN: Garborg's Heart'N Home, Inc., 1991), 11.22.