Sir Winston Churchill (November 30, 1874-January 24, 1965) was the British statesman who led Great Britain through World War II. The son of Lord Randolph Churchill, he was a direct descendant of the 1st Duke of Marlborough.
He served as a war correspondent when Cuban guerrillas fought the Spanish, 1895; transferred to Bombay, India, 1896; attempted to cover the Greco-Turkish War, 1897; witnessed fighting the Pashtun tribe in Pakistan, 1897; reported on British fighting in Egypt and the Sudan, 1898; and covered the South African Boer War,1899.
Churchill joined Parliament in 1900. After holding several positions, he rejoined the army in World War I and served in France. After the war he became Chancellor of the Exchequer, First Lord of the Admiralty and finally the Prime Minister. Sir Winston Churchill, in addition to being a remarkable orator, was an acclaimed author, receiving the Nobel Prize for Literature in 1953.
Winston Churchill, after serving as a correspondent in Egypt and the Sudan, wrote of the war along the Nile River in The River War, (first edition, Vol. II, 1899, pp. 248-50):
<How dreadful are the curses which Mohammedanism lays on its votaries! Besides the fanatical frenzy, which is as dangerous in a man as hydrophobia in a dog, there is this fearful fatalistic apathy.
The effects are apparent in many countries. Improvident habits, slovenly systems of agriculture, sluggish methods of commerce, and insecurity of property exist wherever the followers of the Prophet rule or live...
A degraded sensualism deprives this life of its grace and refinement; the next of its dignity and sanctity.
The fact that in Mohammedan law every woman must belong to some man as his absolute property, either as a child, a wife, or a concubine, must
delay the final extinction of slavery until the faith of Islam has ceased to be a great power among men.
Individual Moslems may show splendid qualities...but the influence of the religion paralyses the social development of those who follow it. No stronger retrograde force exists in the world.
Far from being moribund, Mohammedanism is a militant and proselytizing faith. It has already spread throughout Central Africa, raising fearless warriors at every step; and were it not that Christianity is sheltered in the strong arms of science, the science against which it had vainly struggled, the civilisation of modern Europe might fall, as fell the civilisation of ancient Rome.> 1874WC201
In October 1938, during a debate on the Munich agreement, Winston Churchill declared in the House of Commons:
<There can never be friendship between the British democracy and the Nazi power, that power which spurns Christian ethics, which cheers its onward course by a barbarous paganism.> 1874WC001
As Europe was in shock after being quickly dominated by the Nazi regime, Great Britain chose Winston S. Churchill, on May 6th, 1940, as the new Prime Minister and Minister of Defense.
Winston Churchill, in From War to War, (Second World War, Vol. 1, ch. 4, p. 50) described Hitler's Mein Kampf as:
<...the new Koran of faith and war: turgid, verbose, shapeless, but pregnant with its message.> 1874WC202
On May 13, 1940, Prime Minister Winston Churchill, in his first speech to the British Parliament, stated:
<On Friday evening last I received from His Majesty the mission to form a new administration. It was the evident will of Parliament and the nation that this should be conceived on the broadest possible basis and that it should include all parties.
I have already completed the most important part of this task.
A war cabinet has been formed of five members, representing, with the Labour, Opposition, and Liberals, the unity of the nation. It was necessary that this should be done in one single day on account of the extreme urgency and rigor of events. Other key positions were filled yesterday. I am submitting a further list to the king tonight. I hope to complete the appointment of principal ministers during tomorrow.
The appointment of other ministers usually takes a little longer. I trust when Parliament meets again this part of my task will be completed and that the administration will be complete in all respects. I considered it in the public interest to suggest to the Speaker that the House should be summoned today.
At the end of today's proceedings, the adjournment of the House will be proposed until May 21 with provision for earlier meeting if need be. Business for that will be notified to MPs at the earliest opportunity.
I now invite the House by a resolution to record its approval of the steps taken and declare its confidence in the new government.
The resolution:
"That this House welcomes the formation of a government representing the united and inflexible resolve of the nation to prosecute the war with Germany to a victorious conclusion."
To form an administration of this scale and complexity is a serious undertaking in itself. But we are in the preliminary phase of one of the greatest battles n history. We are in action at many other points-in Norway and in Holland-and we have to be prepared in the Mediterranean. The air battle is continuing, and many preparations have to be made here at home.
In this crisis I think I may be pardoned if I do not address the House at any length today, and I hope that any of my friends and colleagues or former colleagues who are affected by the political reconstruction will make all allowances for any lack of ceremony with which it has been necessary to act.
I say to the House as I said to ministers who have joined this government, I have nothing to offer but blood, toil, tears, and sweat. We have before us an ordeal of the most grievous kind. We have before us many, many months of struggle and suffering.
You ask, what is our policy? I say it is to wage war by land, sea, and air. War with all our might and with all the strength God has given us, and to wage war against a monstrous tyranny never surpassed in the dark and lamentable catalogue of human crime. That is our policy.
You ask, what is our aim? I can answer in one word. It is victory.
Victory at all costs-Victory in spite of all terrors-Victory, however long and hard the road may be, for without victory there is no survival.
Let that be realized. No survival for the British Empire, no survival for all that the British Empire has stood for, no survival for the urge, the impulse of the ages, that mankind shall move forward toward his goal.
I take up my task in buoyancy and hope. I feel sure that our cause will not be suffered to fail among men.
I feel entitled at this juncture, at this time, to claim the aid of all and to say, "Come then, let us go forward together with our united strength."> 1874WC002
On June 4, 1940, upon the Retreat from Flanders, Winston Churchill delivered an address to the House of Commons, titled "We Shall Defend Our Island Whatever the Cost":
<"We shall not flag nor fail. We shall go on to the end. We shall fight in France and on the seas and oceans; we shall fight with growing confidence and growing strength in the air. We shall defend our island whatever the cost may be; we shall fight on beaches, landing grounds, in fields, in streets and on the hills. We shall never surrender and even if, which I do not for the moment believe, this island or a large part of it were subjugated and starving, then our empire beyond the seas, armed and guarded by the British Fleet, will carry on the struggle until in God's good time the New World with all its power and might, sets forth to the liberation and rescue of the Old."> 1874WC003
On June 18, 1940, in an address to the House of Commons titled "Their Finest Hour" Winston Churchill stated:
<I spoke the other day of the colossal military disaster which occurred when the French High Command failed to withdraw the Northern Armies from Belgium at the moment when they knew that the French front was decisively broken at Sedan and on the Meuse. This delay entailed the loss of fifteen or sixteen French divisions and threw out of action for the critical period the whole of the British Expeditionary Force. Our Army and 120,000 French troops were indeed rescued by the British Navy from Dunkirk but only with the loss of their cannon, vehicles and modem equipment.
This loss inevitably took some weeks to repair, and in the first two of those weeks the battle in France has been lost. When we consider the heroic resistance made by the French Army against heavy odds in this battle, the enormous losses inflicted upon the enemy and the evident exhaustion of the enemy, it may well be thought that these twenty-five divisions of the best- trained and best equipped troops might have turned the scale.
However, General Weygand had to fight without them. Only three British divisions or their equivalent were able to stand in the line with their French comrades. They had suffered severely, but they had fought well. We sent every man we could to France as fast as we could re-equip and transport their formations. I am not reciting these facts for the purpose of recrimination. That I judge to be utterly futile and even harmful. We cannot afford it. I recite them in order to explain why it was we did not have, as we could have had, between twelve and fourteen British divisions fighting in the line in this great battle instead of only three. Now I put all this aside. I put it on the shelf, from which the historians, when they have time, will select their documents to tell their stories. We have to think of the future and not of the past. This also applies in a small way to our own affairs at home.
There are many who would hold an inquest in the House of Commons on the conduct of the Governments-and of Parliaments, for they are in it, too- during the years which led up to this catastrophe. They seek to indict those who were responsible for the guidance of our affairs. This also would be a foolish and pernicious process. There are too many in it. Let each man search his conscience and search his speeches. I frequently search mine.
Of this I am quite sure, that if we open a quarrel between the past and the present, we shall find that we have lost the future. Therefore, I cannot accept the drawing of any distinctions between Members of the present Government. It was formed at a moment of crisis in order to unite all the parties and all sections of opinion. It has received the almost unanimous support of both Houses of Parliament. Its Members are going to stand together, and, subject to the authority of the House of Commons, we are going to govern the country and fight the war. It is absolutely necessary at a time like this that every Minister who tries each day to do his duty shall be respected; and their subordinates must know that their chiefs are not threatened men, men who are here today and gone tomorrow, but that their directions must be punctually and faithfully obeyed.
Without this concentrated power we cannot face what lies before us. I should not think it would be very advantageous for the House to prolong this Debate this afternoon under conditions of public stress. Many facts are not clear that will be clear in a short time. We are to have a Secret Session on Thursday, and I should think that would be a better opportunity for the many earnest expressions of opinion which Members will desire to make and for the House to discuss vital matters without having everything read the next morning by our dangerous foes.
The disastrous military events which have happened during, the past fortnight have not come to me with any sense of surprise. Indeed, I indicated a fortnight ago as clearly as I could to the House that the worst possibilities were open; and I made it perfectly clear then that whatever happened in France would make no difference the resolve of Britain and the British Empire to fight on, 'if necessary for years, if necessary alone.'
During the last few days we have successfully brought off the great majority of the troops we had on the lines of communication in France; and seven-eighths of the troops we have sent to France since the beginning of the war-that is to say, about 350,000 out Of 400,000 men-are safely back in this country. Others are still fighting with the French, and fighting with considerable success in their local encounters against the enemy. We have also brought back a great mass of stores, rifles and munitions of all kinds which had been accumulated in France during the last nine months.
We have, therefore, in this island today a very large and powerful military force. This force comprises all our best-trained and our finest troops, including scores of thousands of those who have already measured their quality against the Germans and found themselves at no disadvantage. We have under arms at the present time in this island over a million and a quarter men. Behind these we have the Local Defense Volunteers, numbering half a million, only a portion of whom, however, are yet armed with rifles or other firearms. We have incorporated into our Defense Forces every man for whom we have a weapon.
We expect very large additions to our weapons in the near future, and in preparation for this we intend forthwith to call up, drill and train further large numbers. Those who are not called up, or else are employed upon the vast business of munitions production in all its branches-and their ramifications are innumerable-will serve their country best by remaining at their ordinary work until they receive their summons. We have also over here Dominions armies.
The Canadians had actually landed in France, but have now been safely withdrawn, much disappointed, but in perfect order, with all their artillery and equipment. And these very high-class forces from the Dominions will now take part in the defense of the Mother Country.
Lest the account which I have given of these large forces should raise the question: Why did they not take part in the great battle in France? I must make it clear that, apart from the divisions training and organizing at home, only twelve divisions were equipped to fight upon a scale which justified their being sent abroad. And this was fully up to the number which the French had been led to expect would be available in France at the ninth month of the war. The rest of our forces at home have fighting value for home defense which will, of course, steadily increase every week that passes.
Thus, the invasion of Great Britain would at this time require the transportation across the sea of hostile armies on a very large scale, and after they been so transported they would have to be continually maintained with all the masses of munitions and supplies which are required for continuous battle-as continuous battle it will surely be.
Here is where we come to the Navy-and after all, we have a Navy.
Some people seem to forget that we have a Navy. We must remind them. For the last thirty years I have been concerned in discussions about the possibilities of overseas invasion, and I took the responsibility on behalf of the Admiralty, at the beginning of the last war, of allowing all regular troops to be sent out of the country. That was a very serious step to take, because our Territorials had only just been called up and were quite untrained. Therefore, this island was for several months practically denuded of fighting troops.
The Admiralty had confidence at that time in their ability to prevent a mass invasion even though at that time the Germans had a magnificent battle fleet the proportion of ten to sixteen, even though they were capable of fighting a general engagement every day and any day, whereas now they have only a couple of heavy ships worth speaking of-the Scharnhorst and the Gneisenau. We are also told that the Italian Navy is to come out and gain sea superiority in these waters. If they seriously intend it, 1 shall only say that we shall be delighted to offer Signor Mussolini a free and safeguarded passage through the Straits of Gibraltar in order that he may play the part to which he aspires. There is a general curiosity in the British Fleet to find out whether the Italians are up to the level they were at in the last war or whether they have fallen off at all.
Therefore, it seems to me that as far as seaborne invasion on a great scale is concerned, we are far more capable of meeting it today than we were at many periods in the last war and during the early months of this war, before our other troops were trained, and while the BEF [British Expeditionary Force] had proceeded abroad. Now, the Navy have never pretended to be able to prevent raids by bodies of 5,000 or 10,000 men flung suddenly across and thrown ashore at several points on the coast some dark night or foggy morning.
The efficacy of sea-power, especially under modern conditions, depends upon the invading force being of large size. It has to be of large size, in view of our military strength, to be of any use. If it is of large size, then the Navy have something they can find and meet and, as it were, bite on. Now we must remember that even five divisions, however lightly equipped, would require 200 to 250 ships, and with modern air reconnaissance and photography it would not be easy to collect such an armada, marshal it and conduct it across the sea without any powerful naval forces to escort it; and there would be very great possibilities, to put it mildly, that this armada would be intercepted long before it reached the coast, and all the men drowned in the sea or, at the worst, blown to pieces with their equipment while they were trying to land.
We also have a great system of minefields, recently strongly reinforced, through which we alone know the channels. If the enemy tries to sweep passages through these minefields, it will be the task of the Navy to destroy the minesweepers and any other forces employed to protect them. There should be no difficulty in this, owing to our great superiority at sea.
Those are the regular, well-tested, well-proved arguments on which we have relied during many years in peace and war. But the question is whether there are any new methods by which those solid assurances can be circumvented. Odd as it may seem, some attention has been given to this by the Admiralty, whose prime duty and responsibility it is to destroy any large seaborne expedition before it reaches, or at the moment when it reaches these shores. It would not be a good thing for me to go into details of this. It might suggest ideas to other people which they have not thought of, and they would not be likely to give us any of their ideas in exchange.
All I will say is that untiring vigilance and mind-searching must be devoted to the subject, because the enemy is crafty and cunning and full of novel treacheries and stratagems. The House may be assured that the utmost ingenuity is being displayed and imagination is being evoked from large numbers of competent officers, well trained in tactics and thoroughly up to date, to measure and counter work novel possibilities. Untiring vigilance and untiring searching of the mind is being, and must be, devoted to the subject, because, remember, the enemy is crafty and there is no dirty trick he will not do.
Some people will ask why, then, was it that the British Navy was not able to prevent the movement of a large army from Germany into Norway across the Skaggerak? But the conditions in the Channel and in the North Sea are in no way like those which prevail in the Skaggerak. In the Skaggerak, because of the distance, we could give no air support to our surface ships, and consequently, lying as we did close to the enemy's main air power, we were compelled to use only our submarines.
We could not enforce the decisive blockade or interruption which is possible from surface vessels. Our submarines took a heavy toll but could not, by themselves, prevent the invasion of Norway. In the Channel and in the North Sea, on the other hand, our superior naval surface forces, aided by our submarines, will operate with close and effective air assistance.
This brings me, naturally, to the great question of invasion from the air, and of the impending struggle between the British and German Air Forces. It seems quite clear that no invasion on a scale beyond the capacity of our land forces to crush speedily is likely to take place from the air until our Air Force has been definitely overpowered. In the meantime, there may be raids by parachute troops and attempted descents of airborne soldiers. We should be able to give those gentry a warm reception, both in the air and on the ground, if they reach it in any condition to continue the dispute.
But the great question is: Can we break Hitler's air weapon? Now, of course, it is a very great pity that we have not got an Air Force at least equal to that of the most powerful enemy within striking distance of these shores. But we have a very powerful Air Force which has proved itself far superior in quality, both in men and in many types of machine, to what we have met so far in the numerous and fierce air battles which have been fought with the Germans. In France, where we were at a considerable disadvantage and lost many machines on the ground when they were standing round the aerodromes we were accustomed to inflict in the air losses of as much as two to two-and-a-half to one.
In the fighting over Dunkirk, which was a sort of no-man's land, we undoubtedly beat the German Air Force, and gained the mastery of the local air, inflicting here a loss of three or four to one day after day. Anyone who looks at the photographs which were published a week or so ago of the re-embarkation, showing the masses of troops assembled on the beach and forming an ideal target for hours at a time, must realize that this re-embarkation would not have been possible unless the enemy had resigned all hope of recovering air superiority at that time and at that place.
In the defense of this island the advantages to the defenders will be much greater than they were in the fighting around Dunkirk. We hope to improve on the rate of three or four to one which was realized at Dunkirk; and in addition all our injured machines and their crews which get down safe-and, surprisingly, a very great many injured machines and men do get down safely in modern air fighting-all of these will fall, in an attack upon these islands, on friendly soil and live to fight another day; whereas all the injured enemy machines and their complements will be total losses as far as the war is concerned.
During the great battle in France, we gave very powerful and continuous aid to the French Army, both by fighters and bombers; but in spite of every kind of pressure we never would allow the entire metropolitan fighter strength of the Air Force to be consumed. This decision was painful, but it was also right, because the fortunes of the battle in France could not have been decisively affected even if we had thrown in our entire fighter force. That battle was lost by the unfortunate strategical opening, by the extraordinary and unforeseen power of the armoured columns and by the great preponderance of the German Army in numbers.
Our fighter Air Force might easily have been exhausted as a mere accident in that great struggle, and then we should have found ourselves at the present time in a very serious plight. But as it is, 1 am happy to inform the House that our fighter strength is stronger at the present time relatively to the Germans, who have suffered terrible losses, than it has ever been; and consequently we believe ourselves possessed of the capacity to continue the war in the air under better conditions than we have ever experienced before. 1 look forward confidently to the exploits of our fighter pilots-these splendid men, this brilliant youth-who will have the glory of saving their native land, their island home, and all they love, from the most deadly of all attacks.
There remains, of course, the danger of bombing attacks, which will certainly be made very soon upon us by the bomber forces of the enemy. It is true that the German bomber force is superior in numbers to ours; but we have a very large bomber force also, which we shall use to strike at military targets in Germany without intermission. 1 do not at all underrate the severity of the ordeal which lies before us; but 1 believe our countrymen will show themselves capable of standing up to it, like the brave men of Barcelona, and will be able to stand up to it, and carry on in spite of it, at least as well as any other people in the world.
Much will depend upon this; every man and every woman will have the chance to show the finest qualities of their race, and render the highest service to their cause. For all of us, at this time, whatever our sphere, our station, our occupation or our duties, it will be a help to remember the famous lines: "He nothing common did or mean, Upon that memorable scene."
I have thought it right upon this occasion to give the House and the country some indication of the solid, practical grounds upon which we base our inflexible resolve to continue the war. There are a good many people who say, 'Never mind. Win or lose, sink or swim, better die than submit to tyranny-and such a tyranny.'
And I do not dissociate myself from them. But I can assure them that our professional advisers of the three Services unitedly advise that we should carry on the war, and that there are good and reasonable hopes of final victory. We have fully informed and consulted all the self-governing Dominions, these great communities far beyond the oceans who have been built up on our laws and on our civilization, and who are absolutely free to choose their course, but are absolutely devoted to the ancient Motherland, and who feel themselves inspired by the same emotions which lead me to stake our all upon duty and honour.
We have fully consulted them, and I have received from their Prime Ministers, Mr Mackenzie King of Canada, Mr Menzies of Australia, Mr Fraser of New Zealand, and General Smuts of South Africa [these were the self- governing dominions of the British Empire]- that wonderful man, with his immense profound mind, and his eye watching from a distance the whole panorama of European affairs-I have received from all these eminent men, who all have Governments behind them elected on wide franchises, who are all there because they represent the will of their people, messages couched in the most moving terms in which they endorse our decision to fight on, and declare themselves ready to share our fortunes and to persevere to the end. That is what we are going to do.
We may now ask ourselves: In what way has our position worsened since the beginning of the war? It has worsened by the fact that the Germans have conquered a large part of the coastline of Western Europe, and many small countries have been overrun by them. This aggravates the possibilities of air attack and adds to our naval preoccupations. It in no way diminishes, but on the contrary definitely increases, the power of our long distance blockade. Similarly, the entrance of Italy into the war increases the power of our long-distance blockade.
We have stopped the worst leak by that. We do not know whether military resistance will come to an end in France or not, but should it do so, then of course, the Germans will be able to concentrate their forces, both military and industrial, upon us. But for the reasons I have given to the House these will not be found so easy to apply. If invasion has become more imminent, as no doubt it has, we, being relieved from the task of maintaining a large army in France, have far larger and more efficient forces to meet it.
If Hitler can bring under his despotic control the industries of the countries he has conquered, this will add greatly to his already vast armament output. On the other hand, this will not happen immediately, and we are now assured of immense, continuous and increasing support in supplies and munitions of all kinds from the United States; and especially of airplanes and pilots from the Dominions and across the oceans, coming from regions which are beyond the reach of enemy bombers.
I do not see how any of these factors can operate to our detriment on balance before the winter comes; and the winter will impose a strain upon the Nazi regime, with almost all Europe writhing and starving under its cruel heel, which, for all their ruthlessness, will run them very hard. We must not forget that from the moment when we declared war on the 3 September it was always possible for Germany to turn all her air force upon this country, together with any other devices of invasion she might conceive, and that France could have done little or nothing to prevent her doing so.
We have, therefore, lived under this danger, in principle and in a slightly modified form, during all these months. In the meanwhile, however, we have enormously improved our methods of defense, and we have learned, what we had no right to assume at the beginning, namely, that the individual aircraft and the individual British pilot have a sure and definite superiority. Therefore, in casting up this dread balance sheet and contemplating our dangers with a disillusioned eye, I see great reason for intense vigilance and exertion but none whatever for panic or despair.
During the first four years of the last war the Allies experienced nothing but disaster and disappointment. That was our constant fear: one blow after another, terrible losses, frightful dangers. Everything miscarried. And yet at the end of those four years the morale of the Allies was higher than that of the Germans, who had moved from one aggressive triumph to another, and who stood everywhere triumphant invaders of the lands into which they had broken.
During that war we repeatedly asked ourselves the question: How are we going to win? And no one was able ever to answer it with much precision, until at the end, quite suddenly, quite unexpectedly, our terrible foe collapsed before us, and we were so glutted with victory that in our folly we threw it away.
We do not yet know what will happen in France or whether the French resistance will be prolonged, both in France and in the French Empire overseas. The French Government will be throwing away great opportunities and casting adrift their future if they do not continue the war in accordance with their Treaty obligations, from which we have not felt able to release them. The House will have read the historic declaration in which, at the desire of many Frenchmen- and of our own hearts-we have proclaimed our willingness at the darkest hour in French history to conclude a union of common citizenship in this struggle.
However matters may go in France or with the French Government, or other French Governments, we in this island and in the British Empire will never lose our sense of comradeship with the French people. If we are now called upon to endure what they have been suffering, we shall emulate their courage, and if final victory rewards our toils they shall share the gains, aye, and freedom shall be restored to all. We abate nothing of our just demands; not one jot or tittle do we recede. Czechs, Poles, Norwegians, Dutch, Belgians have joined their causes to our own. All these shall be restored.
What General Weygand called the Battle of France is over. I expect that the Battle of Britain is about to begin. Upon this battle depends the survival of Christian civilization. Upon it depends our own British life, and the long continuity of our institutions and our Empire. The whole fury and might of the enemy must very soon be turned on us. Hitler knows that he will have to break us in this island or lose the war.
If we can stand up to him, all Europe may be free and the life of the world may move forward into broad, sunlit uplands. But if we fail, then the whole world, including the United States, including all that we have known and cared for, will sink into the abyss of a new Dark Age made more sinister, and perhaps more protracted, by the lights of perverted science. Let us therefore brace ourselves to our duties and so bear ourselves that, if the British Empire and its Commonwealth last for a thousand years, men will still say, "This was their finest hour."> 1874WC004
On July 14, 1940, in an address broadcast by the BBC, Winston Churchill stated:
<And now it has come to us to stand alone in the breach, and face the worst that the tyrant's might and enmity can do. Bearing ourselves humbly before God, but conscious that we serve an unfolding purpose, we are ready to defend our native land against the invasion by which it is threatened.
We are fighting by ourselves alone; but we are not fighting for ourselves alone. Here in this strong City of Refuge which enshrines the title- deeds of human progress and is of deep consequence to Christian civilization; here, girt about by the seas and oceans where the Navy reigns, shielded from above by the prowess and devotion of our airmen, we await undismayed the impending assault. Perhaps it will come tonight.
Perhaps it will come next week. Perhaps it will never come. We must show ourselves equally capable of meeting a sudden, violent shock, or, what is perhaps a harder test, a prolonged vigil. But be the ordeal sharp or long, or both, we shall seek no terms, we shall ask no parley. Should the invader come, there will be no placid lying down of the people in submission. We shall defend every village, every town and every city. The vast mass of London itself, fought street by street, could easily devour an entire hostile army, and we would rather see London laid in ruins and ashes than that it should be tamely and abjectly enslaved.> 1874WC005
On June 16, 1941, in a radio broadcast to America, on receiving the honorary degree of Doctor of Laws from the University of Rochester, New York, Sir Winston Churchill replied:
<The destiny of mankind is not decided by material computation. When great causes are on the move in the world...we learn that we are spirits, not animals, and that something is going on in space and time, and beyond space and time.> 1874WC006
Prime Minister Winston Churchill, recorded the Mid-Atlantic Conference with President Franklin D. Roosevelt on August 10, 1941:
<On Sunday morning, August 10, Mr. Roosevelt came aboard H.M.S. Prince of Wales and, with his Staff officers and several hundred representatives of all ranks of the United States Navy and Marines, attended Divine Service on the quarterdeck.
This service was felt by us all to be a deeply moving expression of the unity of faith of our two peoples, and none who took part in it will forget the spectacle presented that sunlit morning on the crowded quarterdeck-the symbolism of the Union Jack and the Stars and Stripes draped side by side on the pulpit;
the American and British chaplains sharing in the reading of the prayers; the highest navel, military, and air officers of Britain and the United States grouped in one body behind the President and me; the close-packed ranks of British and American sailors, completely intermingled, sharing the same books and joining fervently together in the prayers and hymns familiar to both.
I chose the hymns myself-"For Those in Peril on the Sea" and "Onward Christian Soldiers." We ended with "Oh God, Our Help in Ages Past," which Macaulay reminds us the Ironsides had chanted as they bore John Hampden's body to the grave.
It was a great hour to live. Nearly half of those who sang were soon to die.> 1874WC007
On October 29, 1941, in an address at Harrow School, Churchill admonished:
<Never give in, never give in, never, never, never, never-in nothing, great or small, large or petty-never give in except to convictions of honor and good sense....
Do not let us speak of darker days; let us speak rather of sterner days. These are not dark days: these are great days-the greatest days our country has ever lived; and we must all thank God that we have been allowed, each of us according to our stations, to play a part in making these days memorable in the history of our race.> 1874WC008
On December 30, 1941, in a speech to the Canadian Senate and House of Commons in Ottawa, Sir Winston Churchill declared:
<We have to win that world for our children....We have to win it by our sacrifices. We have not won it yet. The crisis is upon us....In this strange, terrible world war there is a place for everyone, man and woman, old and young, hale and halt; service in a thousand forms is open....The mine, the factory, the dockyard, the salt sea waves, the fields to till, the home, the hospital, the chair of the scientist, the pulpit of the preacher-from the highest to the humblest tasks, all are equal honor; all have their part to play.> 1874WC009
On March 5, 1946, at Westminster College in Fulton, Missouri, Winston S. Churchill was awarded an honorary degree. The President of Westminster College, Dr. McCluer, spoke first and then introduced President Harry S Truman. Truman introduced Churchill, who delivered his address titled: "Sinews of Peace."
This speech may be regarded as the most important Churchill delivered as Leader of the Opposition (1945-1951). In it he introduced the phrase "Iron Curtain" to describe the Cold War developing between the Western powers and the area controlled by the Soviet Union.
Winston Churchill, at times departing from his prepared text, stated:
<I am glad to come to Westminster College this afternoon, and am complimented that you should give me a degree. The name "Westminster" is somehow familiar to me. I seem to have heard of it before. Indeed, it was at Westminster that I received a very large part of my education in politics, dialectic, rhetoric, and one or two other things. In fact we have both been educated at the same, or similar, or, at any rate, kindred establishments.
It is also an honor, perhaps almost unique, for a private visitor to be introduced to an academic audience by the President of the United States. Amid his heavy burdens, duties, and responsibilities-unsought but not recoiled from-the President has traveled a thousand miles to dignify and magnify our meeting here to-day and to give me an opportunity of addressing this kindred nation, as well as my own countrymen across the ocean, and perhaps some other countries too.
The President has told you that it is his wish, as I am sure it is yours, that I should have full liberty to give my true and faithful counsel in these anxious and baffling times. I shall certainly avail myself of this freedom, and feel the more right to do so because any private ambitions I may have cherished in my younger days have been satisfied beyond my wildest dreams. Let me, however, make it clear that I have no official mission or status of any kind, and that I speak only for myself. There is nothing here but what you see.
I can therefore allow my mind, with the experience of a lifetime, to play over the problems which beset us on the morrow of our absolute victory in arms, and to try to make sure with what strength I have that what has been gained with so much sacrifice and suffering shall be preserved for the future glory and safety of mankind.
The United States stands at this time at the pinnacle of world power. It is a solemn moment for the American Democracy. For with primacy in power is also joined an awe-inspiring accountability to the future. If you look around you, you must feel not only the sense of duty done but also you must feel anxiety lest you fall below the level of achievement. Opportunity is here now, clear and shining for both our countries. To reject it or ignore it or fritter it away will bring upon us all the long reproaches of the after-time. It is necessary that constancy of mind, persistency of purpose, and the grand simplicity of decision shall guide and rule the conduct of the English-speaking peoples in peace as they did in war. We must, and I believe we shall, prove ourselves equal to this severe requirement.
When American military men approach some serious situation they are wont to write at the head of their directive the words "over-all strategic concept." There is wisdom in this, as it leads to clarity of thought. What then is the over-all strategic concept which we should inscribe today?
It is nothing less than the safety and welfare, the freedom and progress, of all the homes and families of all the men and women in all the lands. And here I speak particularly of the myriad cottage or apartment homes where the wage-earner strives amid the accidents and difficulties of life to guard his wife and children from privation and bring the family up in the fear of the Lord, or upon ethical conceptions which often play their potent part.
To give security to these countless homes, they must be shielded from the two giant marauders, war and tyranny. We all know the frightful disturbances in which the ordinary family is plunged when the curse of war swoops down upon the bread-winner and those for whom he works and contrives. The awful ruin of Europe, with all its vanished glories, and of large parts of Asia glares us in the eyes. When the designs of wicked men or the aggressive urge of mighty States dissolve over large areas the frame of civilized society, humble folk are confronted with difficulties with which they cannot cope. For them all is distorted, all is broken, even ground to pulp.
When I stand here this quiet afternoon I shudder to visualize what is actually happening to millions now and what is going to happen in this period when famine stalks the earth. None can compute what has been called "the unestimated sum of human pain." Our supreme task and duty is to guard the homes of the common people from the horrors and miseries of another war. We are all agreed on that.
Our American military colleagues, after having proclaimed their "over- all strategic concept" and computed available resources, always proceed to the next step-namely, the method. Here again there is widespread agreement. A world organization has already been erected for the prime purpose of preventing war, UNO, the successor of the League of Nations, with the decisive addition of the United States and all that means, is already at work. We must make sure that its work is fruitful, that it is a reality and not a sham, that it is a force for action, and not merely a frothing of words, that it is a true temple of peace in which the shields of many nations can some day be hung up, and not merely a cockpit in a Tower of Babel.
Before we cast away the solid assurances of national armaments for self-preservation we must be certain that our temple is built, not upon shifting sands or quagmires, but upon the rock. Anyone can see with his eyes open that our path will be difficult and also long, but if we persevere together as we did in the two world wars-though not, alas, in the interval between them-I cannot doubt that we shall achieve our common purpose in the end.
I have, however, a definite and practical proposal to make for action. Courts and magistrates may be set up but they cannot function without sheriffs and constables. The United Nations Organization must immediately begin to be equipped with an international armed force. In such a matter we can only go step by step, but we must begin now.
I propose that each of the Powers and States should be invited to delegate a certain number of air squadrons to the service of the world organization. These squadrons would be trained and prepared in their own countries, but would move around in rotation from one country to another. They would wear the uniform of their own countries but with different badges. They would not be required to act against their own nation, but in other respects they would be directed by the world organization. This might be started on a modest scale and would grow as confidence grew. I wished to see this done after the first world war, and I devoutly trust it may be done forthwith.
It would nevertheless be wrong and imprudent to entrust the secret knowledge or experience of the atomic bomb, which the United States, Great Britain, and Canada now share, to the world organization, while it is still in its infancy. It would be criminal madness to cast it adrift in this still agitated and un-united world. No one in any country has slept less well in their beds because this knowledge and the method and the raw materials to apply it, are at present largely retained in American hands.
I do not believe we should all have slept so soundly had the positions been reversed and if some Communist or neo-Fascist State monopolized for the time being these dread agencies. The fear of them alone might easily have been used to enforce totalitarian systems upon the free democratic world, with consequences appalling to human imagination.
God has willed that this shall not be and we have at least a breathing space to set our house in order before this peril has to be encountered: and even then, if no effort is spared, we should still possess so formidable a superiority as to impose effective deterrents upon its employment, or threat of employment, by others. Ultimately, when the essential brotherhood of man is truly embodied and expressed in a world organization with all the necessary practical safeguards to make it effective, these powers would naturally be confided to that world organization.
Now I come to the second danger of these two marauders which threatens the cottage, the home, and the ordinary people-namely, tyranny. We cannot be blind to the fact that the liberties enjoyed by individual citizens throughout the British Empire are not valid in a considerable number of countries, some of which are very powerful. In these States control is enforced upon the common people by various kinds of all-embracing police governments.
The power of the State is exercised without restraint, either by dictators or by compact oligarchies operating through a privileged party and a political police. It is not our duty at this time when difficulties are so numerous to interfere forcibly in the internal affairs of countries which we have not conquered in war.
But we must never cease to proclaim in fearless tones the great principles of freedom and the rights of man which are the joint inheritance of the English-speaking world and which through Magna Carta, the Bill of Rights, the Habeas Corpus, trial by jury, and the English common law find their most famous expression in the American Declaration of Independence.
All this means that the people of any country have the right, and should have the power by constitutional action, by free unfettered elections, with secret ballot, to choose or change the character or form of government under which they dwell; that freedom of speech and thought should reign; that courts of justice, independent of the executive, unbiased by any party, should administer laws which have received the broad assent of large majorities or are consecrated by time and custom.
Here are the title deeds of freedom which should lie in every cottage home. Here is the message of the British and American peoples to mankind. Let us preach what we practice-let us practice-what we preach.
I have now stated the two great dangers which menace the homes of the people: War and Tyranny. I have not yet spoken of poverty and privation which are in many cases the prevailing anxiety. But if the dangers of war and tyranny are removed, there is no doubt that science and co-operation can bring in the next few years to the world, certainly in the next few decades newly taught in the sharpening school of war, an expansion of material well-being beyond anything that has yet occurred in human experience.
Now, at this sad and breathless moment, we are plunged in the hunger and distress which are the aftermath of our stupendous struggle; but this will pass and may pass quickly, and there is no reason except human folly or sub- human crime which should deny to all the nations the inauguration and enjoyment of an age of plenty.
I have often used words which I learned fifty years ago from a great Irish-American orator, a friend of mine, Mr. Bourke Cockran. "There is enough for all. The earth is a generous mother; she will provide in plentiful abundance food for all her children if they will but cultivate her soil in justice and in peace." So far I feel that we are in full agreement.
Now, while still pursuing the method of realizing our overall strategic concept, I come to the crux of what I have traveled here to say. Neither the sure prevention of war, nor the continuous rise of world organization will be gained without what I have called the fraternal association of the English-speaking peoples. This means a special relationship between the British Commonwealth and Empire and the United States.
This is no time for generalities, and I will venture to be precise. Fraternal association requires not only the growing friendship and mutual understanding between our two vast but kindred systems of society, but the continuance of the intimate relationship between our military advisers, leading to common study of potential dangers, the similarity of weapons and manuals of instructions, and to the interchange of officers and cadets at technical colleges.
It should carry with it the continuance of the present facilities for mutual security by the joint use of all Naval and Air Force bases in the possession of either country all over the world. This would perhaps double the mobility of the American Navy and Air Force. It would greatly expand that of the British Empire Forces and it might well lead, if and as the world calms down, to important financial savings. Already we use together a large number of islands; more may well be entrusted to our joint care in the near future.
The United States has already a Permanent Defense Agreement with the Dominion of Canada, which is so devotedly attached to the British Commonwealth and Empire. This Agreement is more effective than many of those which have often been made under formal alliances. This principle should be extended to all British Commonwealths with full reciprocity. Thus, whatever happens, and thus only, shall we be secure ourselves and able to work together for the high and simple causes that are dear to us and bode no ill to any.
Eventually there may come - I feel eventually there will come - the principle of common citizenship, but that we may be content to leave to destiny, whose outstretched arm many of us can already clearly see.
There is however an important question we must ask ourselves. Would a special relationship between the United States and the British Commonwealth be inconsistent with our over-riding loyalties to the World Organization? I reply that, on the contrary, it is probably the only means by which that organization will achieve its full stature and strength. There are already the special United States relations with Canada which I have just mentioned, and there are the special relations between the United States and the South American Republics. We British have our twenty years Treaty of Collaboration and Mutual Assistance with Soviet Russia.
I agree with Mr. Bevin, the Foreign Secretary of Great Britain, that it might well be a fifty years Treaty so far as we are concerned. We aim at nothing but mutual assistance and collaboration. The British have an alliance with Portugal unbroken since 1384, and which produced fruitful results at critical moments in the late war.
None of these clash with the general interest of a world agreement, or a world organization; on the contrary they help it. "In my father's house are many mansions." Special associations between members of the United Nations which have no aggressive point against any other country, which harbor no design incompatible with the Charter of the United Nations, far from being harmful, are beneficial and, as I believe, indispensable.
I spoke earlier of the Temple of Peace. Workmen from all countries must build that temple. If two of the workmen know each other particularly well and are old friends, if their families are inter-mingled, and if they have "faith in each other's purpose, hope in each other's future and charity towards each other's shortcomings" - to quote some good words I read here the other day - why cannot they work together at the common task as friends and partners?
Why cannot they share their tools and thus increase each other's working powers? Indeed they must do so or else the temple may not be built, or, being built, it may collapse, and we shall all be proved again unteachable and have to go and try to learn again for a third time in a school of war, incomparably more rigorous than that from which we have just been released.
The dark ages may return, the Stone Age may return on the gleaming wings of science, and what might now shower immeasurable material blessings upon mankind, may even bring about its total destruction.
Beware, I say; time may be short. Do not let us take the course of allowing events to drift along until it is too late. If there is to be a fraternal association of the kind I have described, with all the extra strength and security which both our countries can derive from it, let us make sure that that great fact is known to the world, and that it plays its part in steadying and stabilizing the foundations of peace. There is the path of wisdom. Prevention is better than cure.
A shadow has fallen upon the scenes so lately lighted by the Allied victory. Nobody knows what Soviet Russia and its Communist international organization intends to do in the immediate future, or what are the limits, if any, to their expansive and proselytizing tendencies. I have a strong admiration and regard for the valiant Russian people and for my wartime comrade, Marshal Stalin. There is deep sympathy and goodwill in Britain-and I doubt not here also-towards the peoples of all the Russias and a resolve to persevere through many differences and rebuffs in establishing lasting friendships.
We understand the Russian need to be secure on her western frontiers by the removal of all possibility of German aggression. We welcome Russia to her rightful place among the leading nations of the world. We welcome her flag upon the seas. Above all, we welcome constant, frequent and growing contacts between the Russian people and our own people on both sides of the Atlantic. It is my duty however, for I am sure you would wish me to state the facts as I see them to you, to place before you certain facts about the present position in Europe.
From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic, an iron curtain has descended across the Continent. Behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest and Sofia, all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in what I must call the Soviet sphere, and all are subject in one form or another, not only to Soviet influence but to a very high and, in many cases, increasing measure of control from Moscow.
Athens alone-Greece with its immortal glories-is free to decide its future at an election under British, American and French observation. The Russian- dominated Polish Government has been encouraged to make enormous and wrongful inroads upon Germany, and mass expulsions of millions of Germans on a scale grievous and undreamed-of are now taking place. The Communist parties, which were very small in all these Eastern States of Europe, have been raised to pre-eminence and power far beyond their numbers and are seeking everywhere to obtain totalitarian control.
Police governments are prevailing in nearly every case, and so far, except in Czechoslovakia, there is no true democracy. Turkey and Persia are both profoundly alarmed and disturbed at the claims which are being made upon them and at the pressure being exerted by the Moscow Government. An attempt is being made by the Russians in Berlin to build up a quasi-Communist party in their zone of Occupied Germany by showing special favors to groups of left- wing German leaders.
At the end of the fighting last June, the American and British Armies withdrew westwards, in accordance with an earlier agreement, to a depth at some points of 150 miles upon a front of nearly four hundred miles, in order to allow our Russian allies to occupy this vast expanse of territory which the Western Democracies had conquered.
If now the Soviet Government tries, by separate action, to build up a pro-Communist Germany in their areas, this will cause new serious difficulties in the British and American zones, and will give the defeated Germans the power of putting themselves up to auction between the Soviets and the Western Democracies. Whatever conclusions may be drawn from these facts-and facts they are-this is certainly not the Liberated Europe we fought to build up. Nor is it one which contains the essentials of permanent peace.
The safety of the world requires a new unity in Europe, from which no nation should be permanently outcast. It is from the quarrels of the strong parent races in Europe that the world wars we have witnessed, or which occurred in former times, have sprung. Twice in our own lifetime we have seen the United States, against their wishes and their traditions, against arguments, the force of which it is impossible not to comprehend, drawn by irresistible forces, into these wars in time to secure the victory of the good cause, but only after frightful slaughter and devastation had occurred.
Twice the United States has had to send several millions of its young men across the Atlantic to find the war; but now war can find any nation, wherever it may dwell between dusk and dawn. Surely we should work with conscious purpose for a grand pacification of Europe, within the structure of the United Nations and in accordance with its Charter. That I feel is an open cause of policy of very great importance.
In front of the iron curtain which lies across Europe are other causes for anxiety. In Italy the Communist Party is seriously hampered by having to support the Communist-trained Marshal Tito's claims to former Italian territory at the head of the Adriatic. Nevertheless the future of Italy hangs in the balance. Again one cannot imagine a regenerated Europe without a strong France. All my public life I have worked for a strong France and I never lost faith in her destiny, even in the darkest hours.
I will not lose faith now. However, in a great number of countries, far from the Russian frontiers and throughout the world, Communist fifth columns are established and work in complete unity and absolute obedience to the directions they receive from the Communist center.
Except in the British Commonwealth and in the United States where Communism is in its infancy, the Communist parties or fifth columns constitute a growing challenge and peril to Christian civilization. These are somber facts for anyone to have to recite on the morrow of a victory gained by so much splendid comradeship in arms and in the cause of freedom and democracy; but we should be most unwise not to face them squarely while time remains.
The outlook is also anxious in the Far East and especially in Manchuria.
The Agreement which was made at Yalta, to which I was a party, was extremely favorable to Soviet Russia, but it was made at a time when no one could say that the German war might not extend all through the summer and autumn of 1945 and when the Japanese war was expected to last for a further 18 months from the end of the German war. In this country you are all so well- informed about the Far East, and such devoted friends of China, that I do not need to expatiate on the situation there.
I have felt bound to portray the shadow which, alike in the west and in the east, falls upon the world. I was a high minister at the time of the Versailles Treaty and a close friend of Mr. Lloyd-George, who was the head of the British delegation at Versailles. I did not myself agree with many things that were done, but I have a very strong impression in my mind of that situation, and I find it painful to contrast it with that which prevails now.
In those days there were high hopes and unbounded confidence that the wars were over, and that the League of Nations would become all-powerful. I do not see or feel that same confidence or even the same hopes in the haggard world at the present time.
On the other hand I repulse the idea that a new war is inevitable; still more that it is imminent. It is because I am sure that our fortunes are still in our own hands and that we hold the power to save the future, that I feel the duty to speak out now that I have the occasion and the opportunity to do so. I do not believe that Soviet Russia desires war. What they desire is the fruits of war and the indefinite expansion of their power and doctrines.
But what we have to consider here to-day while time remains, is the permanent prevention of war and the establishment of conditions of freedom and democracy as rapidly as possible in all countries. Our difficulties and dangers will not be removed by closing our eyes to them. They will not be removed by mere waiting to see what happens; nor will they be removed by a policy of appeasement. What is needed is a settlement, and the longer this is delayed, the more difficult it will be and the greater our dangers will become.
From what I have seen of our Russian friends and Allies during the war, I am convinced that there is nothing they admire so much as strength, and there is nothing for which they have less respect than for weakness, especially military weakness. For that reason the old doctrine of a balance of power is unsound. We cannot afford, if we can help it, to work on narrow margins, offering temptations to a trial of strength.
If the Western Democracies stand together in strict adherence to the principles of the United Nations Charter, their influence for furthering those principles will be immense and no one is likely to molest them. If however they become divided or falter in their duty and if these all-important years are allowed to slip away then indeed catastrophe may overwhelm us all.
Last time I saw it all coming and cried aloud to my own fellow- countrymen and to the world, but no one paid any attention. Up till the year 1933 or even 1935, Germany might have been saved from the awful fate which has overtaken her and we might all have been spared the miseries Hitler let loose upon mankind. There never was a war in all history easier to prevent by timely action than the one which has just desolated such great areas of the globe.
It could have been prevented in my belief without the firing of a single shot, and Germany might be powerful, prosperous and honored to-day; but no one would listen and one by one we were all sucked into the awful whirlpool. We surely must not let that happen again. This can only be achieved by reaching now, in 1946, a good understanding on all points with Russia under the general authority of the United Nations Organization and by the maintenance of that good understanding through many peaceful years, by the world instrument, supported by the whole strength of the English-speaking world and all its connections. There is the solution which I respectfully offer to you in this Address to which I have given the title "The Sinews of Peace."
Let no man underrate the abiding power of the British Empire and Common-wealth. Because you see the 46 millions in our island harassed about their food supply, of which they only grow one half, even in war-time, or because we have difficulty in restarting our industries and export trade after six years of passionate war effort, do not suppose that we shall not come through these dark years of privation as we have come through the glorious years of agony, or that half a century from now, you will not see 70 or 80 millions of Britons spread about the world and united in defense of our traditions, our way of life, and of the world causes which you and we espouse.
If the population of the English-speaking Commonwealths be added to that of the United States with all that such co-operation implies in the air, on the sea, all over the globe and in science and in industry, and in moral force, there will be no quivering, precarious balance of power to offer its temptation to ambition or adventure. On the contrary, there will be an overwhelming assurance of security. If we adhere faithfully to the Charter of the United Nations and walk forward in sedate and sober strength seeking no one's land or treasure, seeking to lay no arbitrary control upon the thoughts of men; if all British moral and material forces and convictions are joined with your own in fraternal association, the high-roads of the future will be clear, not only for us but for all, not only for our time, but for a century to come.> 1874WC010
Author Stanely Kurtz, in his book "Tribes of Terror" (Claremont Review of Books, Winter 2007/2008, p. 39), reviewed Akbar S. Ahmed's Resistance and Control in Pakistan (Routledge, 2004), and related how Winston Churchill described Islam as:
<A system of ethics, which regards treachery and violence as virtues rather than vices.> 1874WC011
This is similar to John Quincy Adams, who wrote in his "Essay on Turks" (1830), that to Muslims:
<treachery and violence are taught as principles of religion.> 1874WC012
John Quincy Adams was referring to the Barbary Wars with the Muslim Pirates of Tripoli. Author Frederick C. Leiner wrote of this in The End of the Barbary Terror-America's 1815 War Against the Pirates of North Africa (Oxford University Press):
<Commodore Stephen Decatur and diplomat William Shaler withdrew to consult in private...The Algerians were believed to be masters of duplicity, willing to make agreements and break them as they found convenient...Commodore Stephen Decatur and Captain William Bainbridge both recognized that the peace could only be kept by force or the threat of force.> 1874WC013
In 1953, at the occasion of his forty-fifth wedding anniversary, Sir Winston Churchill commented:
<I married and lived happily ever after...with a being incapable of an ignoble thought.> 1874WC014
On March 2, 1955, in an address to the Commons on the hydrogen bomb, Sir Winston Churchill stated:
<It doesn't matter so much to old people; they are going soon anyway, but I find it poignant to look at youth in all its activity and ardor and, most of all, to watch little children playing their merry games, and wonder what would lie before them if God wearied of mankind.> 1874WC015
On April 4, 1955, in a toast to Queen Elizabeth II at a dinner held at No. 10 Downing Street on the eve of Sir Winston Churchill's resignation, he stated:
<I have the honor of proposing a toast which I used to enjoy drinking during the years when I was a cavalry subaltern in the reign of Your Majesty's great-great-grandmother, Queen Victoria. Having served in office or in Parliament under the four sovereigns who have reigned since those days, I felt, with these credentials, that in asking our Majesty's gracious permission to propose a toast....
Never have the august duties which fall upon the monarchy been discharged with more devotion than in the brilliant opening of Your Majesty's reign. We thank God for the gift He has bestowed upon us and vow ourselves anew to the sacred causes and wise and kindly way of life of which Your Majesty is the young, gleaming champion.> 1874WC016
Sir Winston Churchill stated:
<"Never in the field of human conflict was so much owed by so many to so few."> 1874WC017
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American Quotations by William J. Federer, 2024, All Rights Reserved, Permission granted to use with acknowledgement.
Endnotes:
Pennsylvania Constitution (1874):
<We, the people of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, grateful to Almighty God for the blessings of civil and religious liberty, and humbly invoking His guidance, do ordain and establish this Constitution. Natural right of conscience and freedom of worship...
SECTION 3. All men have a natural and indefeasible right to worship Almighty God according to the dictates of their own consciences; no man can of right be compelled to attend, erect or support any place of worship, or to maintain any Ministry against his consent; no human authority can, in any case whatever, control or interfere with the rights of conscience, and no preference shall ever be given by law to any religious establishments or modes of worship. Religious opinions not to disqualify for holding office.
SECTION 4. No person who acknowledges the being of a God and a future state of rewards and punishments shall, on account of his religious sentiments, be disqualified to hold any office or place of trust or profit under this Commonwealth.> 1874PA001
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American Quotations by William J. Federer, 2024, All Rights Reserved, Permission granted to use with acknowledgement.
Endnotes:
Albert Schweitzer (January 14, 1875-September 4, 1965) was a physician, philosopher, musician and a medical missionary who won the Nobel Peace Prize in 1952. He practiced as a doctor in the hospital he founded in the jungle village of Lambarene, Gabon, west central Africa, and even used the $33,000 Nobel prize money to build a leper colony. He had won international acclaim for his writings and recitals of Johann Sebastian Bach's organ music.
Albert Schweitzer's writings include: The Philosophy of Civilization; The Decay and Restoration of Civilization; Civilization and Ethics; Out of My Life and Thought; From My African Notebook; and The Quest of the Historical Jesus (1906). His philosophy of life can be best summarized in his ethic of "reverence for life." Albert Schweitzer expressed:
<He comes to us as One unknown, without a name, as of old, by the lake-side, He came to those men who knew Him not. He speaks to us the same word: "Follow thou me!" and sets us to the tasks which He has to fulfill for our time. He commands. And to those who obey Him, whether they be wise or simple, He will reveal Himself in the toils, the conflicts, the sufferings which they shall pass through in His fellowship, and, as an ineffable mystery, they shall learn in their own experience who He is.> 1875AS001
<In proportion as we have the Spirit of Jesus we have the true knowledge of Jesus.> 1875AS002
<Christianity has need of thought that it may come to the consciousness of its real self. For centuries it treasured the great commandment of love and mercy as traditional truth without recognizing it as a reason for opposing slavery...torture, and all the other ancient and medieval forms of inhumanity.> 1875AS003
<All living knowledge of God rests upon this foundation: that we experience Him in our lives as Will-to-Love.> 1875AS004
<It was quite incomprehensible to me-this was before I began going to school-why in my evening prayers I should pray for human beings only. So when my mother had prayed with me and had kissed me good night, I used to add silently a prayer that I had composed for myself for all living creatures. It ran thus: "O heavenly Father, protect and bless all things that have breath; guard them from all evil, and let them sleep in peace."> 1875AS005
<Facts call us to reflect, even as the tossing of a capsizing vessel cause the crew to rush on deck and to climb the masts.> 1875AS006
<One day, in my despair, I threw myself into a chair in the consulting room and groaned out: "What a blockhead I was to come out here to doctor savages like these!" Whereupon Joseph quietly remarked: "Yes, Doctor, here on earth you are a great blockhead, but not in heaven."> 1875AS007
Dr. Albert Schweitzer, in a statement printed in Guideposts, March, 1956, explained:
<Day by day we should weigh what we have granted to the spirit of the world against what we have denied to the spirit of Jesus, in thought and especially in deed.> 1875AS008
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American Quotations by William J. Federer, 2024, All Rights Reserved, Permission granted to use with acknowledgement.
Endnotes:
J.C. (James Cash) Penney (September 16, 1875-February 12, 1971) was an American businessman, entrepreneur, and founder of the J.C. Penney chain of stores. In his autobiography, titled Fifty Years With the Golden Rule,
J.C. Penney stated:
<As to our country, my faith in our America, in its people and in the "American way of life" is unwavering. Its founding I believe to have been divinely ordained, and God has a mighty mission for it among the nations of the world. It was founded in prayer, in faith, and in the heroic spirit of sacrifice.
Lives of comparative ease might have been the lot of our forefathers in their own country had they been willing to surrender their convictions. They chose the "hard right," rather than the "easy wrong"....
As a nation, and as individuals, our fate will always be determined by our choice of the "hard right" or the "easy wrong"....
Every aspect of world condition today opens a way provocatively for applying Christian principles to living. Let us not be afraid: loving God, and our neighbors as ourselves, let us only believe. Being not afraid, and believing, let us choose for ourselves the "hard right." If individuals in sufficient number will pledge their part as men willing to follow the hard right, our America will be made safe for her own people and will stand as a beacon light of hope to this war-torn, war-weary world.> 1875JP001
J.C. Penny, in an article titled "Something to Lean On," published in The Rotarian, August 1956, stated:
<There is something distinctive that I always look for in men of serious purpose. Those who so live and work are, I find, believing men. Many are praying men.> 1875JP002
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American Quotations by William J. Federer, 2024, All Rights Reserved, Permission granted to use with acknowledgement.
Endnotes:
Pope Pius XII (March 2, 1876-October 9, 1958) whose given name was Eugenio Pacelli, in a radio broadcast on September 1, 1944, stated:
<Private property is a natural fruit of labor, a product of intense activity of man, acquired through his energetic determination to ensure and develop with his own strength his own existence and that of his family, and to create for himself and his own an existence of just freedom, not only economic, but also political, cultural and religious.> 1876PP001
On August 28, 1947, in an exchange of messages with Pope Pius XII, President Harry S. Truman stated:
<Our common goal is to arouse and invigorate the faith of men to attain eternal values in our own generation-no matter what obstacles exist of may arise in the path....
An enduring peace can be built only upon Christian principles. To such a consummation we dedicate all our resources, both spiritual and material, remembering always that "except the Lord build the house, they labor in vain who build it."> 1876PP002
In writing to Pope Pius XII, in 1947, President Truman said of America:
<This is a Christian nation.> 1876PP003
On March 2, 1955, in a tribute to Pope Pius XII, President Eisenhower stated at a new conference:
<As to His Holiness, the Pope, [on] his seventy-ninth birthday, a man that I have had the honor of visiting personally, admiring him greatly, and particularly because of his unbroken record of opposition to all forms of fascism and communism, I am quite certain that America, all America, would wish this great spiritual leader a very happy day today, and many more of them.> 1876PP004
In reply to an expression of loyalty given him from American bishop Fulton Sheen, published in Look Magazine, August 22, 1955, Pope Pius XII stated:
<It is true that Divine Providence has invested me, although unworthily, in this position as head of the Church, but as a man I am nothing - nothing-nothing.> 1876PP005
In a message for Labor Day, published in Guideposts, September 1955, Pope Pius XII stated:
<Labor is not merely the fatigue of body without sense or value; nor is it merely a humiliating servitude. It is a service of God, a gift of God, the vigor and fullness of human life, the gage of eternal rest.> 1876PP006
On January 8, 1956, in an address on the science and morality of painless childbirth, Pope Pius XII stated:
<If the new technique spares her the sufferings of childbirth, the mother can accept it without any scruple of conscience; but she is not obliged to do so. In the case of partial success or failure, she knows that suffering can be a source of good, if she bears it with God and in obedience to His will....
The life and sufferings of our Saviour, the pains which so many great men have born and even sought and through which they have matured and risen to the summits of Christian heroism, the daily examples we see of acceptance of the cross with resignation: all this reveals the meaning of suffering, of the patient acceptance of pain in the present plan of salvation, for the duration of this earthly life.> 1876PP007
On April 1, 1956, in an Easter address in St. Peter's Square, Rome, Pope Pius XII stated:
<This year's celebration of Easter should be primarily a recall to faith in Christ, addressed to people who, through no fault of their own, are still unaware of the saving work of the Redeemer; to those who, on the contrary, would wish to have His name wiped out of the minds and hearts of nations; and finally, in a special manner, to those souls of little faith who, seduced by deceptive enticements, are on the point of exchanging the priceless Christian values for those of a false earthly progress.> 1876PP008
On September 1, 1956, in a comment to a group of international heart specialists received at the Vatican, Pope Pius XII stated:
<Bodily pain affects man as a whole down to the deepest layers of his moral being. It forces him to face again the fundamental questions of his fate, of his attitude toward God and fellow men, of his individual and collective responsibility and of the sense of his pilgrimage on earth.> 1876PP009
On September 3, 1956, in an address from Rome to the seventy-seventh Catholic Day at Cologne, Germany, Pope Pius XII stated:
<The Church continues to fight, not in the field of politics and economics as she has been falsely accused of doing, but with weapons that are proper to her: the perseverance of her faithful prayer, truth and love.> 1876PP010
On September 21, 1956, in a comment on interplanetary explorations, Pope Pius XII stated:
<God has no intention of setting a limit to the efforts of man to conquer space.> 1876PP011
On October 15, 1956, in an address to several thousand members of an Italian feminist group, Pope Pius XII stated:
<The concept of the woman of the shipyards, of the mines, of heavy labor as it is exalted and practiced by some countries that would want to inspire progress is anything but a modern concept. It is, on the contrary, a sad return toward epochs that Christian civilization buried long ago.> 1876PP012
On November 28, 1956, in a message to the Olympic Games at Melbourne, Australia, Pope Pius XII stated:
<We have been pleased to recall the harmony of relations between Christian principles and sporting acitvities....Make manifest in your acts how, without losing any of its technical value, sport, being a school of energy and of self mastery, must be ordained towards the intellectual and moral perfecting of the soul.> 1876PP013
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American Quotations by William J. Federer, 2024, All Rights Reserved, Permission granted to use with acknowledgement.
Endnotes:
Colorado (August 1, 1876) was the 38th State admitted to the Union. The Constitution of the State of Colorado, adopted March 14, 1876, stated:
<Preamble. We, the people of Colorado, with profound reverence for the Supreme Ruler of the Universe, in order to form a more independent and perfect government; establish justice; insure tranquility; provide for the common defense; promote the general welfare and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the "State of Colorado."> 1876CS001
<Article II, Section 4. Religious Freedom. The free exercise and enjoyment of religious profession and worship, without discrimination, shall forever hereafter be guaranteed; and no person shall be denied any civil or political right, privilege or capacity, on account of his opinions concerning religion; but the liberty of conscience hereby secured shall not be construed to dispense with oaths or affirmations, excuse acts of licentiousness or justify practices inconsistent with the good order, peace or safety of the state.> 1876CS002
<Article II, Section 26. Slavery Prohibited. There shall never be in this state either slavery or involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted.> 1876CS003
The Constitution of the State of Colorado, November 3, 1936, stated:
<Article X, Section 5. Property used for religious worship, schools and charitable purposes exempt. Property, real and personal, that is used solely and exclusively for religious worship, for schools or for strictly charitable purposes, also cemeteries not used or held for private or corporate profit, shall be exempt from taxation.> 1876CS004
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Endnotes:
Colorado State Motto (August 1, 1876) stated:
<Nil Sine Numine (Nothing without God).> 1876CS005
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Endnotes:
William W. Bennett (1877) a Confederate Chaplain during the Civil War, published his remarkable documentary, A Narrative of the Great Revival Which Prevailed in the Southern Armies. This was a first-hand account of the spiritual renewal that occurred in General Robert E. Lee's Army of Northern Virginia. As head of the Methodist Soldiers' Tract Association, Chaplain William W. Bennett wrote of the conversions in the Confederate ranks:
<Up to January, 1865, it was estimated that nearly 150,000 soldiers had been converted during the progress of the war, and it was believed that fully one-third of all the soldiers in the field were praying men, and members of some branch of the Christian Church.> 1877WB001
<In the army of General Lee, while it lay on the upper Rappahannock, the revival flame swept through every corps, division, brigade, and regiment. [One chaplain reported]:
"The whole army is a vast field, ready and ripe to the harvest....The susceptibility of the soldiers to the gospel is wonderful, and, doubtful as the remark may appear, the military camp is most favorable to the work of revival. The soldiers, with the simplicity of little children, listen to and embrace the truth. Already over two thousand have professed conversion, and two thousand more are penitent....
Oh, it is affecting to see the soldiers crowd and press about the preacher for want of tracts, etc., he has to distribute, and it is sad to see hundreds retiring without being supplied!"
[Another minister reported] "The cold, mud, and rain, have produced great suffering and sickness among the troops; for we have been entirely without shelter in very exposed positions....In our field hospital we have over 350 sick....
I never saw men who were better prepared to receive religious instruction and advice....The dying begged for our prayers and our songs. Every evening we would gather around the wounded and sing and pray with them. Many wounded, who had hitherto led wicked lives, became entirely changed....
One young Tennessean, James Scott, of the 32d Tennessee,...continually begged us to sing for him and to pray with him. He earnestly desired to see his mother before he died, which was not permitted, as she was in the enemy's lines, and he died rejoicing in the grace of God."> 1877WB002
In 1862, after the Battle of Cross Keys, a soldier recounted to Chaplain William W. Bennett his observation of General Stonewall Jackson:
<I saw something today which affected me more than anything I ever saw or read on religion. While the battle was raging and the bullets were flying, Jackson rode by, calm as if he were at home, but his head was raised toward heaven, and his lips were moving evidently in prayer.> 1877WB003
Chaplain William W. Bennett took the dying words of T.S. Chandler of the 6th South Carolina Regiment:
<Tell my mother that I am lying without hope of recovery....My hope is in Christ, for whose sake I hope to be saved. Tell her that she and my brother cannot see me again on earth, but they can meet me in heaven....I know I am going there.> 1877WB004
In the spring of 1865, there was almost a continual revival among General Robert E. Lee's ranks. Chaplain Bennett records a Resolution adopted by five brigades of the Georgia troops:
<That we hereby acknowledge the sinfulness of our past conduct as a just and sufficient ground for the displeasure of Almighty God; and that, earnestly repenting of our sins, we are determined, by his grace, to amend our lives for the future; and, in earnest supplication to God, through the mediation of his Son, Jesus Christ, we implore the forgiveness of our sins and seek the Divine favor and protection.> 1877WB005
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Endnotes:
Sir James Hopwood Jeans (September 11, 1877-September 16, 1946) was an English physicist and astronomer. He studied the nature of gases and sun radiations. Educated at Trinity College, Cambridge University, he became a professor at Princeton University in the area of applied mathematics, and later a professor at Cambridge. He was a research associate at the Mount Wilson Observatory, Pasadena, California, 1923-44; Secretary of the Royal Society; president of the Royal Astronomical Society of England; and was knighted in 1928. His works include: The Universe Around Us, 1929; The Mysterious Universe, 1930; and Physics and Philosophy, 1942.
In his work, The Mysterious Universe, 1930, Sir James Hopwood Jeans stated:
<All the pictures which science now draws of nature and which alone seem capable of according with observational fact are mathematical pictures....From the intrinsic evidence of his creation, the Great Architect of the Universe now begins to appear as a pure mathematician.> 1877JJ001
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Endnotes:
New Hampshire Constitution (1877):
<ARTICLE 14 amended, removing requirement that office holders be Protestant.> 1877NH001
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Endnotes:
Georgia Constitution (1877) also the wording in Georgia's Constitutions of 1945, 1976, 1983:
<PREAMBLE: To perpetuate the principles of free government, insure justice to all, preserve peace, promote the interest and happiness of the citizen ("and of the family" -added 1983) and transmit to posterity the enjoyment of liberty, we, the people of Georgia, relying upon the protection and guidance of Almighty God, do ordain and establish this Constitution.
ARTICLE ON FREEDOM OF CONSCIENCE: All men have the natural and inalienable right to worship God, each according to the dictates of his own conscience, and no human authority should, in any case, control or interfere with such right of conscience.
ARTICLE ON RELIGIOUS OPINIONS: No inhabitant of this State shall be molested in person or property, or prohibited from holding any public office, or trust, on account of his religious opinions; but the right of liberty of conscience shall not be so construed as to excuse acts of licentiousness, or justify practices inconsistent with the peace and safety of the State.> 1877GA001
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Endnotes:
Duquesne University (1878) was founded by the Catholic Church in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. Its motto stated:
<Spiritus est qui vivificat (It is the Spirit that gives light).> 1878DU001
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Endnotes:
United States Supreme Court (1878) rendered its opinion on the case of Reynolds v. United States, 98 U.S. 145, 165 (1878). The same men that passed the act creating religious freedom in Virginia, also passed very strict laws against polygamy and sexual immorality, as documented in the Supreme Court's decision of 1878:
<It is a significant fact that on the 8th of December, 1788, after the passage of the act establishing religious freedom, and after the convention of Virginia had recommended as an amendment to the Constitution of the United States the declaration in a bill of rights that "all men have an equal, natural, and unalienable right to the free exercise of religion, according to the dictates of conscience,"[that] the legislature of that State substantially enacted the...death penalty...[for polygamy].> 1878US001
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Endnotes:
Henry Emerson Fosdick (1878-1969) was one of the best-known ministers of his day. He pastored the First Presbyterian Church, New York City, and later the Park Avenue Baptist Church, New York City. He wrote numerous works, including: The Meaning of Prayer; Twelve Tests of Character; The Man From Nazareth; Martin Luther; The Manhood of the Master; On Being a Real Person; On Being Fit to Live; and his autobiography The Living of These Days.
In 1920, he wrote The Meaning of Service, in which he stated:
<The Sea of Galilee and the Dead Sea are made of the same water. It flows down, clear and cool, from the heights of Hermon and the roots of the cedars of Lebanon. The Sea of Galilee makes beauty of it, for the Sea of Galilee has an outlet. It gets to give. It gathers in its riches that it may pour them out again to fertilize the Jordan plain. But the Dead Sea with the same water makes horror. For the Dead Sea has no outlet. It gets to keep.> 1878HF001
Henry Emerson Fosdick commented:
<We Americans say that the Constitution made the nation, well, the Constitution is a great document and we never would have been a nation without it, but it took more than that to make the nation!
Rather it was our forefathers and foremothers who made the Constitution and then made it work. The government they constructed did get great things out of them, but it was not the government primarily that put great things into them.
What put great things into them was their home life, their religion, their sense of personal responsibility to Almighty God, their devotion to education, their love of liberty, their personal character.
When the government pumped, it drew from profound depths in the spiritual lives of men and women where creative spiritual forces had been at work.> 1878HF002
<Race prejudice is as thorough a denial of the Christian God as atheism is, and it is a much more common form of apostasy.> 1878HF003
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Endnotes:
Paul Lemoine (1878-1940) was the President of the Geological Society of France, director of the National Museum of Natural History in Paris and a chief editor of the 1937 edition of the Encyclopedia Francaise. Paul Lemoine is attributed with the statement:
<The theory of evolution is impossible. At base, in spite of appearances, no one any longer believes in it....Evolution is a kind of dogma which the priests no longer believe, but which they maintain for their people.> 1878PL001
In the Encyclopedie Francaise (French Encyclopedia, circa 1950s), volume 5, Paul Lemoine wrote:
<It results from this explanation that the theory of evolution is not exact...Evolution is a kind of dogma which its own priests no longer believe, but which they uphold for the people. It is necessary to have the courage to state this if only so that men of a future generation may orient their research into a different direction.> 1878PL002
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Endnotes:
Carl Sandburg (January 6, 1878-July 22, 1967) was an American poet and biographer. He received the Pulitzer Prize for history in 1940, and for poetry in 1951. He was honored with Gold Medals from the American Academy of Arts and Letters; the Poetry Society of America; and in 1964 received the Presidential Medal of Freedom. His works include: Chicago Poems, 1915; Rootabaga Stories, 1922; American Songbag, 1927; Remembrance Rock, 1948; and his autobiography Always the Young Strangers, 1953. He received acclaim for the biographical works, Abraham Lincoln-The Prairie Years, 1926; and Abraham Lincoln-The War Years, 1939, resulting in his being asked to address a joint session of Congress on the 150th anniversary of Lincoln's birthday.
Carl Sandburg wrote:
<A baby is God's opinion that the world should go on.> 1878CS001
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Endnotes:
Albert Einstein (March 14, 1879-April 18, 1955) was a German-born American theoretical physicist. He developed the theory of relativity, which was the basis for the application of atomic energy. In 1921, Albert Einstein was the recipient of the Nobel Prize, and in 1952 he was offered the position of President of Israel, but turned it down.
On November 9, 1930, in an article in the The New York Times, Albert Einstein's statement was recorded:
<I assert that the cosmic religious experience is the strongest and noblest driving force behind scientific research.> 1879AE001
Albert Einstein stated:
<God Almighty does not throw dice.> 1879AE002 In commenting on wealth, Albert Eistein stated:
<I am absolutely convinced that no wealth in the world can help humanity forward, even in the hands of the most devoted worker in this cause. The example of great and pure individuals is the only thing that can lead us to noble thoughts and deeds. Money only appeals to selfishness and irresistibly invites abuse. Can anyone imagine Moses, Jesus, or Gandhi armed with the moneybags of Carnegie?> 1879AE003
In describing the theory of relativity, Albert Einstein stated:
<When a man sits with a pretty girl for an hour, it seems like a minute. But let him sit on a hot stove for a minute-and it's longer than any hour. That's relativity.> 1879AE004
Albert Einstein's statement inscribed in Fine Hall at Princeton University reads:
<Raffiniert ist der Herr Gott, aber Boshaft ist er nicht." (God is clever, but not dishonest.)> 1879AE005
Albert Einstein stated:
<My religion consists of a humble admiration of the illimitable superior Spirit who reveals Himself in the slight details we are able to perceive with our frail and feeble minds. That deeply emotional conviction of the presence of a superior reasoning power, which is revealed in the incomprehensible universe, forms my idea of God.> 1879AE006
Though not believing in a personal God, The Saturday Evening Post, October 26, 1929, published "An Interview with George Sylvester Viereck," in which Einstein stated:
<As a child, I received instruction both in the Bible and in the Talmud. I am a Jew, but I am enthralled by the luminous figure of the Nazarene...Jesus is too colossal for the pen of phrasemongers, however artful. No man can dispose of Christianity with a bon mot. No one can read the Gospels without feeling the actual presence of Jesus. His personality pulsates in every word. No myth is filled with such life.> 1879AE007
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Endnotes:
(Nicholas) Vachel Lindsay (November 10, 1879-December 5, 1931) was an American poet and lecturer. Known as "the vagabond poet," his rhythmical verse carried an impressive effect as he would read it aloud. Among his most admired volumes are: General Booth Enters into Heaven and Other Poems, 1913; The Congo and Other Poems, 1914; and The Chinese Nightingale.
In his poem, General Booth Enters into Heaven, Vachel Lindsay wrote:
<Booth died blind and still by faith he trod,
Eyes still dazzled by the ways of God.> 1879LV001
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Endnotes:
Douglas MacArthur (January 26, 1880-April 5, 1964) was a U.S. Military General and World War II hero. He was superintendent of West Point, 1919-20, after having commanded the 42nd (Rainbow) Division during World War I. In 1930, at the age of 50, he became Chief of Staff of the U.S. Army, the youngest man to hold the post. In 1937, he retired from the army, but was recalled in 1941 to command the U.S. forces in the Far East. In 1942, he became Allied Supreme Commander in the Southwest Pacific Area, and in 1944 General of the Army. He received the surrender of the Japanese, and led the reconstruction of Japan after the war. During the Korean War, he served as Commander of the United Nations forces.
On April 9, 1942, in a tribute to the troops of Bataan, General Douglas MacArthur stated:
<To the weeping mothers of its dead, I can only say that the sacrifice and halo of Jesus of Nazareth has descended upon their sons, and that God will take them unto Himself.> 1880DM001
In commenting on being named Father of the Year, 1942, General Douglas MacArthur stated:
<By profession I am a soldier and take pride in that fact. But I am prouder-infinitely prouder-to be a father. A soldier destroys in order to build; the father only builds, never destroys. The one has the potentiality of death; the other embodies creation and life. And while the hordes of death are mighty, the battalions of life are mightier still.
It is my hope that my son, when I am gone, will remember me not from the battle but in the home repeating with him our simple daily prayer, "Our Father Who Art in Heaven.> 1880DM002
On October 20, 1944, General Douglas MacArthur landed on Leyte, and began the liberation of the Philippine Islands from oppression. He declared:
<I have returned. By the grace of Almighty God, our forces stand again on Philippine soil.> 1880DM003
On October 20, 1944, in a radio speech broadcast from the invasion beach on returning to the Philippines, General Douglas MacArthur stated:
<Strike at every favorable opportunity. For your homes and hearths, strike! For future generations of your sons and daughters, strike! In the name of your sacred dead, strike! Let no heart be faint. Let every arm be steeled. The guidance of Divine God points the way. Follow in His name to the Holy Grail of righteous victory!> 1880DM004
General Douglas MacArthur stated:
<In war, when a commander becomes so bereft of reason and perspective that he fails to understand the dependence of arms on Divine guidance, he no longer deserves victory.> 1880DM005
On Sunday, September 2, 1945, aboard the battleship USS Missouri in Tokyo Bay, General Douglas MacArthur met with leaders of Allied forces to sign the treaty of the surrender of Japan. After signing, he offered a prayer:
<Let us pray that peace be now restored to the world and that God will preserve it always.> 1880DM006
In a speech addressing the Allied officers assembled on the deck of the USS Missouri, September 2, 1945, General Douglas MacArthur declared:
<We have had our last chance. If we do not now devise some greater and more equitable system, Armageddon will be at our door. The problem is basically theological and involves a spiritual recrudescence and improvement of human character that will synchronize with our almost matchless advances...of the past two thousand years.... It must be of the spirit if we are to save the flesh.> 1880DM007
General Douglas MacArthur suggested that Youth for Christ representatives and other missionary groups go to Japan after World War II:
<[In order to] provide the surest foundation for the firm establishment of democracy.> 1880DM008
On April 19, 1951, following a tour of Korea, General Douglas MacArthur spoke to a Joint Session of Congress to announce his retirement:
<I am closing my fifty-two years of military service. When I joined the Army, even before the turn of the century, it was the fulfillment of all my boyish hopes and dreams. The world has turned over many times since I took the oath on the Plain at West Point, and the hopes and dreams have all since vanished, but I still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barracks ballads of that day, which proclaimed most proudly that old soldiers never die; they just fade away. And, like the old soldier of that ballad, I now close my military career and just fade away, an old soldier who has tried to do his duty as God gave him the light to see that duty. Good-by.> 1880DM009
On January 18, 1955, a monument was dedicated to General Douglas MacArthur at the occasion of his seventy-fifth birthday, which had inscribed his statement:
<Battles are not won by arms alone. There must exist above all else a spiritual impulse-a will to victory. In war there can be no substitute for victory.>1880DM010
On May 12, 1962, Douglas MacArthur addressed the cadets at the U.S. Military Academy at West Point:
<The soldier, above all other men, is required to practice the greatest act of religious training-sacrifice. In battle and in the face of danger and death, he discloses those Divine attributes which his Maker gave when He created man in His own image.
No physical courage and no brute instinct can take the place of Divine help which alone can sustain him. However horrible the incidents of war may be, the soldier who is called upon to offer and to give his life for his country is the noblest development of mankind.> 1880DM011
General Douglas MacArthur composed "A Father's Prayer" in the early days of World War II while in the Pacific:
<Build me a son, O Lord, who will be strong enough to know when he is weak, brave enough to face himself when he is afraid, one who will be proud and unbending in honest defeat, and humble and gentle in victory.
Build me a son whose wishes will not take the place of deeds; a son who will know Thee-and that to know himself is the foundation stone of knowledge.
Lead him, I pray, not in the path of ease and comfort, but under the stress and spur of difficulties and challenge. Here let him learn to stand up in the storm; here let him learn compassion for those who fail.
Build me a son whose heart will be clear, whose goal will be high; a son who will master himself before he seeks to master other men; one who will reach into the future, yet never forget the past.
And after all these things are his, add, I pray, enough of sense of humor, so that he may always be serious, yet never take himself too seriously. Give him humility, so that he may always remember the simplicity of true greatness, the open mind of true wisdom, and the meekness of true strength.
Then, I, his father, will dare to whisper, "I have not lived in vain."> 1880DM002
General Douglas MacArthur stated:
<History fails to record a single precedent in which nations subject to moral decay have not passed into political and economic decline. There has been either a spiritual awakening to overcome the moral lapse, or a progressive deterioration leading to ultimate national disaster.> 1880DM013
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American Quotations by William J. Federer, 2024, All Rights Reserved, Permission granted to use with acknowledgement.
Endnotes:
Helen Adams Keller (June 27, 1880-June 1, 1968) was an American author and lecturer. She overcame the tremendous obstacles of being both blind and deaf, due to a debilitating illness suffered at the age of two. Her parents took her to Dr. Alexander Graham Bell, who recommended her to the Perkins Institute for the Blind in Boston. It was there, at the age of seven, that Anne Sullivan began tutoring her through the sense of touch, eventually teaching her to read Braille.
Helen Keller attended Radcliffe College, where Anne Sullivan interpreted the lectures to her, and she was able to type on a special Braille typewriter. Helen Keller became concerned about the conditions of blind, especially those blinded in World War II. The recipient of innumerable national and international honors for her efforts to help the blind, Helen Keller wrote several books, including: The Story of My Life, 1903; Optimism, 1903; The World I Live In, 1908; The Song of the Stone Wall, 1910; Out of the Dark, 1913; My Religion, 1927; Midstream, 1930; Let Us Have Faith, 1941; and The Open Door, 1957.
Helen Keller declared:
<Just as all things upon earth represent and image forth all the realities of another world, so the Bible is one mighty representative of the whole spiritual life of humanity.> 1880HK001
<I thank God for my handicaps, for, through them, I have found myself, my work, and my God.> 1880HK002
<Four things to learn in life:
To think clearly without hurry or confusion;
To love everybody sincerely;
To act in everything with the highest motives;
To trust God unhesitatingly.> 1880HK003
In the film documentary of her life, The Unconquered, Helen Keller responded to the question, "Can you see the world?":
<I can see, and that is why I can be so happy, in what you call the dark, but which to me is golden. I can see a God-made world, not a man-made world.> 1880HK004
On February 5, 1955, at the age of seventy-four, Helen Keller typed a message on a conventional typewriter during an interview with newsmen just prior to her forty thousand mile world-wide journey, much of which was by airplane:
<It's wonderful to climb the liquid mountains of the sky. Behind me and before me is God and I have no fears.> 1880HK005
On June 26, 1955, just a few days before her seventy-fifth birthday, Helen Keller stated:
<Self-pity is our worst enemy and if we yield to it, we can never do anything wise in the world.> 1880HK006
On June 26, 1955, regarding reading the Bible, Helen Keller stated:
<It gives me a deep comforting sense that "things seen are temporal and things unseen are eternal."> 1880HK007
--
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Endnotes:
Cecil Blount DeMille (August 12, 1881-January 21, 1959) was an American motion-picture producer and director. He was known for the originality and accuracy of his epic productions, which utilized spectacular crowd scenes and special effects. His best-known films include: Cleopatra; Union Pacific; The Crusades; The Sign of the Cross; Autobiography; The King of Kings 1927; Samson and Delilah 1949; The Ten Commandments 1923, remade 1956; and The Greatest Show on Earth, for which he won the 1952 Academy Award for best film.
Born in Ashfield, Massachusetts, Cecil B. DeMille was educated at Pennsylvania Military Academy and at the American Academy of Dramatic Arts. He worked as an actor for several years, wrote two plays, and from 1936 to 1945 produced numerous radio programs. His niece, Agnes de Mille (1909- 1993), was well-known for her choreography of the films and musicals: Oklahoma! (1943); Paint Your Wagons (1951); Carousel (1945); and Rodeo (1942).
In 1956, at the New York opening of the film The Ten Commandments, Cecil B. DeMille stated:
<The Ten Commandments are not the laws. They are THE LAW. Man has made 32 million laws since the Commandments were handed down to Moses on Mount Sinai more than three thousand years ago, but he has never improved on God's law. The Ten Commandments are the principles by which man may live with God and man may live with man. They are the expressions of the mind of God for His creatures. They are the charter and guide of human liberty, for there can be no liberty without the law....
What I hope for our production of The Ten Commandments is that those who see it shall come from the theater not only entertained and filled with the sight of a big spectacle, but filled with the spirit of truth. That it will bring to its audience a better understanding of the real meaning of this pattern of life that God has set down for us to follow.> 1881CD001
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Endnotes:
William Temple (October 15, 1881-October 26, 1944) was the 98th Archbishop of Canterbury, 1942-44; Archbishop of York, 1929-42, and the bishop of Manchester, 1921-29. Active in social and economic matters, William Temple wrote in The Malvern Manifesto:
<There is no structural organization of society which can bring about the coming of the Kingdom of God on earth, since all systems can be perverted by the selfishness of man.> 1881WT001
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American Quotations by William J. Federer, 2024, All Rights Reserved, Permission granted to use with acknowledgement.
Endnotes:
Sam Rayburn (January 6, 1882-November 16, 1961) was a U.S. Representative from Texas, 1912, reelected 24 times, and Speaker of the House of Representatives, 1940-1947; 1949-1953; 1955-1961.
On March 20, 1955, upon the opening of a prayer and meditation room in the U.S. Capitol Building, Representative Sam Rayburn commented:
<I do trust that there will not be a show made of this thing....Members in this room want to be alone with their God.> 1882SR001
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American Quotations by William J. Federer, 2024, All Rights Reserved, Permission granted to use with acknowledgement.
Endnotes:
Charles Milton Stine (1882-1954) was the director of Research for the E.I. Dupont Company. An organic chemist, he was a leader in the development of significant new products and patents, most of which were connected with propellant powder, high explosives, dyes, artificial leather, and paints.
In the book he authored, titled, A Chemist and His Bible, Charles Stine
stated:
<The world about us, far more intricate than any watch, filled with checks and balances of a hundred varieties, marvelous beyond even the imagination of the most skilled scientific investigator, this beautiful and intricate creation, bears the signature of its Creator, graven in its works.> 1882CS001
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American Quotations by William J. Federer, 2024, All Rights Reserved, Permission granted to use with acknowledgement.
Endnotes:
1874WC001. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Sir Winston Leonard Spencer Churchill, October 1938, during a debate on the Munich agreement in the House of Commons.
1874WC201. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Winston Churchill, The River War, (first edition, Vol. II, 1899, pp. 248-50).
1874WC202. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Winston Churchill, 1948, in From War to War, Second World War, Vol. 1, ch. 4, p. 50. 1874WC002. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Sir Winston Leonard Spencer Churchill, May 13, 1940, in his first speech to the British Parliament as Prime Minister. (also: statement recalled upon his retirement, New York Herald Tribune and other news reports, April 6, 1955. James Beasely Simpson, Best Quotes of '54, '55, '56 (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, 1957), p. 132.
1874WC003. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Sir Winston Leonard Spencer Churchill, June 4, 1940, address delivered to the House of Commons upon the Retreat from Flanders, titled "We Shall Defend Our Island Whatever the Cost."
1874WC004. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Sir Winston Leonard Spencer Churchill, June 18, 1940, in an address to the House of Commons titled "Their Finest Hour."
1874WC005. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Sir Winston Leonard Spencer Churchill, July 14, 1940, in an address broadcast by the BBC. (also recalled upon his retirement, New York Herald Tribune and other news reports, April 6, 1955. James Beasely Simpson, Best Quotes of '54, '55, '56 (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, 1957), p. 134.)
1874WC006. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Sir Winston Leonard Spencer Churchill, June 16, 1941, in a radio broadcast to America on receiving the honorary degree of Doctor of Laws from the University of Rochester, New York. John Bartlett, Bartlett's Familiar Quotations (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1855, 1980), p. 745.
1874WC007. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Sir Winston Leonard Spencer Churchill, August 10, 1941, in his records of the Mid-Atlantic Conference. Edmund Fuller and David E. Green, God in the White House-The Faiths of American Presidents (NY: Crown Publishers, Inc., 1968), p. 205.
1874WC008. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Sir Winston Leonard Spencer Churchill, October 29, 1941, in an address at Harrow School. John Bartlett, Bartlett's Familiar Quotations (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1855, 1980), p. 745.
1874WC009. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Sir Winston Leonard Spencer Churchill, December 30, 1941, in a speech to the Canadian Senate and House of Commons in Ottawa. John Bartlett, Bartlett's Familiar Quotations (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1855, 1980), p. 745.
1874WC010. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Sir Winston Leonard Spencer Churchill, March 5, 1946, at Westminster College in Fulton, Missouri, after being awarded an honorary degree and being introduced by President Harry S Truman, in his address titled: "Sinews of Peace." Robert Rhodes James, Winston S. Churchill: His Complete Speeches 1897-1963, (Chelsea House Publishers: New York and London), vol. VII, 1943-1949, pp.7285-7293. --------- Prepared text, which he at times departed from during his actual speech: President McCluer, ladies and gentlemen, and last, but certainly not least, the President of the United States of America: I am very glad indeed to come to Westminster College this afternoon, and I am complimented that you should give me a degree from an institution whose reputation has been so solidly established. The name "Westminster" somehow or other seems familiar to me. I feel as if I have heard of it before. Indeed now that I come to think of it, it was at Westminster that I received a very large part of my education in politics, dialectic, rhetoric, and one or two other things. In fact we have both been educated at the same, or similar, or, at any rate, kindred establishments. It is also an honor, ladies and gentlemen, perhaps almost unique, for a private visitor to be introduced to an academic audience by the President of the United States. Amid his heavy burdens, duties, and responsibilities-unsought but not recoiled from- the President has traveled a thousand miles to dignify and magnify our meeting here to-day and to give me an opportunity of addressing this kindred nation, as well as my own countrymen across the ocean, and perhaps some other countries too. The President has told you that it is his wish, as I am sure it is yours, that I should have full liberty to give my true and faithful counsel in these anxious and baffling times. I shall certainly avail myself of this freedom, and feel the more right to do so because any private ambitions I may have cherished in my younger days have been satisfied beyond my wildest dreams. Let me however make it clear that I have no official mission or status of any kind, and that I speak only for myself. There is nothing here but what you see. I can therefore allow my mind, with the experience of a lifetime, to play over the problems which beset us on the morrow of our absolute victory in arms, and to try to make sure with what strength I have that what has gained with so much sacrifice and suffering shall be preserved for the future glory and safety of mankind. Ladies and gentlemen, the United States stands at this time at the pinnacle of world power. It is a solemn moment for the American Democracy. For with primacy in power is also joined an awe-inspiring accountability to the future. If you look around you, you must feel not only the sense of duty done but also you must feel anxiety lest you fall below the level of achievement. Opportunity is here and now, clear and shining for both our countries. To reject it or ignore it or fritter it away will bring upon us all the long reproaches of the after-time. It is necessary that the constancy of mind, persistency of purpose, and the grand simplicity of decision shall rule and guide the conduct of the English-speaking peoples in peace as they did in war. We must, and I believe we shall, prove ourselves equal to this severe requirement. President McCluer, when American military men approach some serious situation they are wont to write at the head of their directive the words "over-all strategic concept". There is wisdom in this, as it leads to clarity of thought. What then is the over-all strategic concept which we should inscribe to-day? It is nothing less than the safety and welfare, the freedom and progress, of all the homes and families of all the men and women in all the lands. And here I speak particularly of the myriad cottage or apartment homes where the wage-earner strives amid the accidents and difficulties of life to guard his wife and children from privation and bring the family up the fear of the Lord, or upon ethical conceptions which often play their potent part. To give security to these countless homes, they must be shielded form two gaunt marauders, war and tyranny. We al know the frightful disturbance in which the ordinary family is plunged when the curse of war swoops down upon the bread- winner and those for whom he works and contrives. The awful ruin of Europe, with all its vanished glories, and of large parts of Asia glares us in the eyes. When the designs of wicked men or the aggressive urge of mighty States dissolve over large areas the frame of civilized society, humble folk are confronted with difficulties with which they cannot cope. For them is all distorted, all is broken, all is even ground to pulp. When I stand here this quiet afternoon I shudder to visualize what is actually happening to millions now and what is going to happen in this period when famine stalks the earth. None can compute what has been called "the unestimated sum of human pain". Our supreme task and duty is to guard the homes of the common people from the horrors and miseries of another war. We are all agreed on that. Our American military colleagues, after having proclaimed their "over-all strategic concept" and computed available resources, always proceed to the next step-namely, the method. Here again there is widespread agreement. A world organization has already been erected for the prime purpose of preventing war. UNO, the successor of the League of Nations, with the decisive addition of the United States and all that that means, is already at work. We must make sure that its work is fruitful, that it is a reality and not a sham, that it is a force for action, and not merely a frothing of words, that it is a true temple of peace in which the shields of many nations can some day be hung up, and not merely a cockpit in a Tower of Babel. Before we cast away the solid assurances of national armaments for self-preservation we must be certain that our temple is built, not upon shifting sands or quagmires, but upon a rock. Anyone can see with his eyes open that our path will be difficult and also long, but if we persevere together as we did in the two world wars-though not, alas, in the interval between them-I cannot doubt that we shall achieve our common purpose in the end. I have, however, a definite and practical proposal to make for action. Courts and magistrates may be set up but they cannot function without sheriffs and constables. The United Nations Organization must immediately begin to be equipped with an international armed force. In such a matter we can only go step by step, but we must begin now. I propose that each of the Powers and States should be invited to dedicate a certain number of air squadrons to the service of the world organization. These squadrons would be trained and prepared in their own countries, but would move around in rotation from one country to another. They would wear the uniforms of their own countries but with different badges. They would not be required to act against their own nation, but in other respects they would be directed by the world organization. This might be started on a modest scale and it would grow as confidence grew. I wished to see this done after the first world war, and I devoutly trust that it may be done forthwith. It would nevertheless, ladies and gentlemen, be wrong and imprudent to entrust the secret knowledge or experience of the atomic bomb, which the United States, great Britain, and Canada now share, to the world organization, while still in its infancy. It would be criminal madness to cast it adrift in this still agitated and un-united world. No one country has slept less well in their beds because this knowledge and the method and the raw materials to apply it, are present largely retained in American hands. I do not believe we should all have slept so soundly had the positions been reversed and some Communist or neo- Facist State monopolized for the time being these dread agencies. The fear of them alone might easily have been used to enforce totalitarian systems upon the free democratic world, with consequences appalling to human imagination. God has willed that this shall not be and we have at least a breathing space to set our world house in order before this peril has to be encountered: and even then, if no effort is spared, we should still possess so formidable a superiority as to impose effective deterrents upon its employment, or threat of employment, by others. Ultimately, when the essential brotherhood of man is truly embodied and expressed in a world organization with all the necessary practical safeguards to make it effective, these powers would naturally be confided to that world organizations. Now I come to the second of the two marauders, to the second danger which threatens the cottage homes, and the ordinary people - namely, tyranny. We cannot be blind to the fact that the liberties enjoyed by individual citizens throughout the United States and throughout the British Empire are not valid in a considerable number of countries, some of which are very powerful. In these States control is enforced upon the common people by various kinds of all-embracing police governments to a degree which is overwhelming and contrary to every principle of democracy. The power of the State is exercised without restraint, either by dictators or by compact oligarchies operating through a privileged party and a political police. It is not our duty at this time when difficulties are so numerous to interfere forcibly in the internal affairs of countries which we have not conquered in war. but we must never cease to proclaim in fearless tones the great principles of freedom and the rights of man which are the joint inheritance of the English-speaking world and which through Magna Carta, the Bill of rights, the Habeas Corpus, trial by jury, and the English common law find their most famous expression in the American Declaration of Independence. All this means that the people of any country have the right, and should have the power by constitutional action, by free unfettered elections, with secret ballot, to choose or change the character or form of government under which they dwell; that freedom of speech and thought should reign; that courts of justice, independent of the executive, unbiased by any party, should administer laws which have received the broad assent of large majorities or are consecrated by time and custom. Here are the title deeds of freedom which should lie in every cottage home. Here is the message of the British and American peoples to mankind. Let us preach what we practice - let us practice what we preach. Though I have now stated the two great dangers which menace the home of the people, War and Tyranny, I have not yet spoken of poverty and privation which are in many cases the prevailing anxiety. But if the dangers of war and tyranny are removed, there is no doubt that science and cooperation can bring in the next few years, certainly in the next few decades, to the world, newly taught in the sharpening school of war, an expansion of material well- being beyond anything that has yet occurred in human experience. Now, at this sad and breathless moment, we are plunged in the hunger and distress which are the aftermath of our stupendous struggle; but this will pass and may pass quickly, and there is no reason except human folly or sub-human crime which should deny to all the nations the inauguration and enjoyment of an age of plenty. I have often used words which I learn fifty years ago from a great Irish- American orator, a friend of mine, Mr. Bourke Cockran, "There is enough for all. The earth is a generous mother; she will provide in plentiful abundance food for all her children if they will but cultivate her soil in justice and peace." So far I feel that we are in full agreement. Now, while still pursing the method-the method of realizing our over-all strategic concept, I come to the crux of what I have traveled here to say. Neither the sure prevention of war, nor the continuous rise of world organization will be gained without what I have called the fraternal association of the English-speaking peoples. This means a special relationship between the British Commonwealth and Empire and the United States of America. Ladies and gentlemen, this is no time for generality, and I will venture to the precise. Fraternal association requires not only the growing friendship and mutual understanding between our two vast but kindred systems of society, but the continuance of the intimate relations between our military advisers, leading to common study of potential dangers, the similarity of weapons and manuals of instructions, and to the interchange of officers and cadets at technical colleges. It should carry with it the continuance of the present facilities for mutual security by the joint use of all Naval and Air Force bases in the possession of either country all over the world. This would perhaps double the mobility of the American Navy and Air Force. It would greatly expand that of the British Empire forces and it might well lead, if and as the world calms down, to important financial savings. Already we use together a large number of islands; more may well be entrusted to our joint care in the near future. The United States has already a Permanent Defense Agreement with the Dominion of Canada, which is so devotedly attached to the British Commonwealth and the Empire. This Agreement is more effective than many of those which have been made under formal alliances. This principle should be extended to all the British Commonwealths with full reciprocity. Thus, whatever happens, and thus only, shall we be secure ourselves and able to works together for the high and simple causes that are dear to us and bode no ill to any. Eventually there may come - I feel eventually there will come - the principle of common citizenship, but that we may be content to leave to destiny, whose outstretched arm many of us can already clearly see. There is however an important question we must ask ourselves. Would a special relationship between the United States and the British Commonwealth be inconsistent with our over-riding loyalties to the World Organization? I reply that, on the contrary, it is probably the only means by which that organization will achieve its full stature and strength. There are already the special United States relations with Canada that I have just mentioned, and there are the relations between the United States and the South American Republics. We British have also our twenty years Treaty of Collaboration and Mutual Assistance with Soviet Russia. I agree with Mr. Bevin, the Foreign Secretary of Great Britain, that it might well be a fifty years treaty so far as we are concerned. We aim at nothing but mutual assistance and collaboration with Russia. The British have an alliance with Portugal unbroken since the year 1384, and which produced fruitful results at a critical moment in the recent war. None of these clash with the general interest of a world agreement, or a world organization; on the contrary, they help it. "In my father's house are many mansions." Special associations between members of the United Nations which have no aggressive point against any other country, which harbor no design incompatible with the Charter of the United Nations, far from being harmful, are beneficial and, as I believe, indispensable. I spoke earlier, ladies and gentlemen, of the Temple of Peace. Workmen from all countries must build that temple. If two of the workmen know each other particularly well and are old friends, if their families are intermingled, if they have "faith in each other's purpose, hope in each other's future and charity towards each other's shortcomings"-to quote some good words I read here the other day-why cannot they work together at the common task as friends and partners? Why can they not share their tools and thus increase each other's working powers? Indeed they must do so or else the temple may not be built, or, being built, it may collapse, and we should all be proved again unteachable and have to go and try to learn again for a third time in a school of war incomparably more rigorous than that from which we have just been released. The dark ages may return, the Stone Age may return on the gleaming wings of science, and what might now shower immeasurable material blessings upon mankind, may even bring about its total destruction. Beware, I say; time may be short. Do not let us take the course of allowing events to drift along until it is too late. If there is to be a fraternal association of the kind of I have described, with all the strength and security which both our countries can derive from it, let us make sure that that great fact is known to the world, and that it plays its part in steadying and stabilizing the foundations of peace. There is the path of wisdom. Prevention is better than the cure. A shadow has fallen upon the scenes so lately light by the Allied victory. Nobody knows what Soviet Russia and its Communist international organization intends to do in the immediate future, or what are the limits, if any, to their expansive and proselytizing tendencies. I have a strong admiration and regard for the valiant Russian people and for my wartime comrade, Marshall Stalin. There is deep sympathy and goodwill in Britain - and I doubt not here also - towards the peoples of all the Russias and a resolve to persevere through many differences and rebuffs in establishing lasting friendships. We understand the Russian need to be secure on her western frontiers by the removal of all possibility of German aggression. We welcome Russia to her rightful place among the leading nations of the world. We welcome her flag upon the seas. Above all, we welcome, or should welcome, constant, frequent and growing contacts between the Russian people and our own people on both sides of the Atlantic. It is my duty however, for I am sure you would wish me to state the facts as I see them to you. It is my duty to place before you certain facts about the present position in Europe. From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic an iron curtain has descended across the Continent. Behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest and Sofia, all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in what I must call the Soviet sphere, and all are subject in one form or another, not only to Soviet influence but to a very high and, in some cases, increasing measure of control from Moscow. Athens alone - Greece with its immortal glories - is free to decide its future at an election under British, American and French observation. The Russian-dominated Polish Government has been encouraged to make enormous and wrongful inroads upon Germany, and mass expulsions of millions of Germans on a scale grievous and undreamed-of are now taking place. The Communist parties, which were very small in all these Eastern States of Europe, have been raised to pre-eminence and power far beyond their numbers and are seeking everywhere to obtain totalitarian control. Police governments are prevailing in nearly every case, and so far, except in Czechoslovakia, there is no true democracy. Turkey and Persia are both profoundly alarmed and disturbed at the claims which are being made upon them and at the pressure being exerted by the Moscow Government. An attempt is being made by the Russians in Berlin to build up a quasi-Communist party in their zone of occupied Germany by showing special favors to groups of left-wing German leaders. At the end of the fighting last June, the American and British Armies withdrew westward, in accordance with an earlier agreement, to a depth at some points of 150 miles upon a front of nearly four hundred miles, in order to allow our Russian allies to occupy this vast expanse of territory which the Western Democracies had conquered. If no the Soviet Government tries, by separate action, to build up a pro-Communist Germany in their areas, this will cause new serious difficulties in the American and British zones, and will give the defeated Germans the power of putting themselves up to auction between the Soviets and the Western Democracies. Whatever conclusions may be drawn from these facts - and facts they are - this is certainly not the Liberated Europe we fought to build up. Nor is it one which contains the essentials of permanent peace. The safety of the world, ladies and gentlemen, requires a new unity in Europe, from which no nation should be permanently outcast. It is from the quarrels of the strong parent races in Europe that the world wars we have witnessed, or which occurred in former times, have sprung. Twice in our own lifetime we have seen the United States, against their wished and their traditions, against arguments, the force of which it is impossible not to comprehend, twice we have seen them drawn by irresistible forces, into these wars in time to secure the victory of the good cause, but only after frightful slaughter and devastation have occurred. Twice the United State has had to send several millions of its young men across the Atlantic to find the war; but now war can find any nation, wherever it may dwell between dusk and dawn. Surely we should work with conscious purpose for a grand pacification of Europe, within the structure of the United Nations and in accordance with our Charter. That I feel opens a course of policy of very great importance. In front of the iron curtain which lies across Europe are other causes for anxiety. In Italy the Communist Party is seriously hampered by having to support the Communist-trained Marshal Tito's claims to former Italian territory at the head of the Adriatic. Nevertheless the future of Italy hangs in the balance. Again one cannot imagine a regenerated Europe without a strong France. All my public life I never last faith in her destiny, even in the darkest hours. I will not lose faith now. However, in a great number of countries, far from the Russian frontiers and throughout the world, Communist fifth columns are established and work in complete unity and absolute obedience to the directions they receive from the Communist center. Except in the British Commonwealth and in the United States where Communism is in its infancy, the Communist parties or fifth columns constitute a growing challenge and peril to Christian civilization. These are somber facts for anyone to have recite on the morrow a victory gained by so much splendid comradeship in arms and in the cause of freedom and democracy; but we should be most unwise not to face them squarely while time remains. The outlook is also anxious in the Far East and especially in Manchuria. The Agreement which was made at Yalta, to which I was a party, was extremely favorable to Soviet Russia, but it was made at a time when no one could say that the German war might no extend all through the summer and autumn of 1945 and when the Japanese war was expected by the best judges to last for a further 18 months from the end of the German war. In this country you all so well- informed about the Far East, and such devoted friends of China, that I do not need to expatiate on the situation there. I have, however, felt bound to portray the shadow which, alike in the west and in the east, falls upon the world. I was a minister at the time of the Versailles treaty and a close friend of Mr. Lloyd- George, who was the head of the British delegation at Versailles. I did not myself agree with many things that were done, but I have a very strong impression in my mind of that situation, and I find it painful to contrast it with that which prevails now. In those days there were high hopes and unbounded confidence that the wars were over and that the League of Nations would become all-powerful. I do not see or feel that same confidence or event he same hopes in the haggard world at the present time. On the other hand, ladies and gentlemen, I repulse the idea that a new war is inevitable; still more that it is imminent. It is because I am sure that our fortunes are still in our own hands and that we hold the power to save the future, that I feel the duty to speak out now that I have the occasion and the opportunity to do so. I do not believe that Soviet Russia desires war. What they desire is the fruits of war and the indefinite expansion of their power and doctrines. But what we have to consider here today while time remains, is the permanent prevention of war and the establishment of conditions of freedom and democracy as rapidly as possible in all countries. Our difficulties and dangers will not be removed by closing our eyes to them. They will not be removed by mere waiting to see what happens; nor will they be removed by a policy of appeasement. What is needed is a settlement, and the longer this is delayed, the more difficult it will be and the greater our dangers will become. From what I have seen of our Russian friends and Allies during the war, I am convinced that there is nothing for which they have less respect than for weakness, especially military weakness. For that reason the old doctrine of a balance of power is unsound. We cannot afford, if we can help it, to work on narrow margins, offering temptations to a trial of strength. If the Western Democracies stand together in strict adherence to the principles will be immense and no one is likely to molest them. If however they become divided of falter in their duty and if these all-important years are allowed to slip away then indeed catastrophe may overwhelm us all. Last time I saw it all coming and I cried aloud to my own fellow-countrymen and to the world, but no one paid any attention. Up till the year 1933 or even 1935, Germany might have been saved from the awful fate which has overtaken here and we might all have been spared the miseries Hitler let loose upon mankind. there never was a war in history easier to prevent by timely action than the one which has just desolated such great areas of the globe. It could have been prevented in my belief without the firing of a single shot, and Germany might be powerful, prosperous and honored today; but no one would listen and one by one we were all sucked into the awful whirlpool. We surely, ladies and gentlemen, I put it to you, surely, we must not let it happen again. This can only be achieved by reaching now, in 1946, by reaching a good understanding on all points with Russia under the general authority of the United Nations Organization and by the maintenance of that good understanding through many peaceful years, by the whole strength of the English-speaking world and all its connections. There is the solution which I respectfully offer to you in this Address to which I have given the title, "The Sinews of Peace". Let no man underrate the abiding power of the British Empire and Commonwealth. Because you see the 46 millions in our island harassed about their food supply, of which they only grow one half, even in war-time, or because we have difficulty in restarting our industries and export trade after six years of passionate war effort, do not suppose we shall not come through these dark years of privation as we have come through the glorious years of agony. Do not suppose that half a century from now you will not see 70 or 80 millions of Britons spread about the world united in defense of our traditions, and our way of life, and of the world causes which you and we espouse. If the population of the English-speaking Commonwealths be added to that of the United States with all that such co-operation implies in the air, on the sea, all over the globe and in science and in industry, and in moral force, there will be no quivering, precarious balance of power to offer its temptation to ambition or adventure. On the contrary there will be an overwhelming assurance of security. If we adhere faithfully to the Charter of the United Nations and walk forward in sedate and sober strength seeking no one's land or treasure, seeking to lay no arbitrary control upon the thoughts of men; if all British moral and material forces and convictions are joined with your own in fraternal association, the highroads of the future will be clear, not only for our time, but for a century to come.
1874WC011. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Sir Winston Leonard Spencer Churchill. Quoted by Stanely Kurtz, in his book "Tribes of Terror" (Claremont Review of Books, Winter 2007/2008, p. 39), reviewing Akbar S. Ahmed's Resistance and Control in Pakistan (Routledge, 2004).
1874WC012. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). John Quincy Adams. The comprehensive annotated John Quincy Adams-A Bibliography, compiled by Lynn H. Parsons (Westport, CT, 1993, p. 41, entry#194), contains "Unsigned essays dealing with the Russo-Turkish War and on Greece," published in The American Annual Register for 1827-28-29 (NY: 1830, ch. 10- 14, p. 267-402), the period between his term as President and his election to Congress. Andrew G. Bostom, John Quincy Adams Knew Jihad, FrontPageMagazine.com | Wednesday, September 29, 2004. Samuel Flagg Bemis, John Quincy Adams and the Foundations of American Foreign Policy (NY: 1949, pp. 571-572).
1874WC013. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Commodore Stephen Decatur and diplomat William Shaler. Frederick C. Leiner, The End of the Barbary Terror-America's 1815 War Against the Pirates of North Africa (Oxford University Press).
1874WC014. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Sir Winston Leonard Spencer Churchill, 1953, comment on the occasion of his forty-fifth wedding anniversary, recalled upon his retirement, New York Herald Tribune and other news reports, April 6, 1955. James Beasely Simpson, Best Quotes of '54, '55, '56 (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, 1957), p. 136.
1874WC015. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Sir Winston Leonard Spencer Churchill, March 2, 1955, in an address to the Commons on the hydrogen bomb, new reports. James Beasely Simpson, Best Quotes of '54, '55, '56 (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, 1957), p. 130.
1874WC016. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Sir Winston Leonard Spencer Churchill, April 4, 1955, in a toast to Queen Elizabeth II at a dinner held at No. 10 Downing Street on the eve of his resignation, news reports. James Beasely Simpson, Best Quotes of '54, '55, '56 (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, 1957), p. 131.
1874WC017. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Sir Winston Leonard Spencer Churchill, statement.
1874PA001. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Pennsylvania Constitution, 1874.
1875AS001. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Albert Schweitzer. Carroll E. Simcox, 3000 Quotations on Christian Themes (Grand Rapids, Michigan: Baker Book House 1989), p. 131.
1875AS002. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Albert Schweitzer. Carroll E. Simcox, 3000 Quotations on Christian Themes (Grand Rapids, Michigan: Baker Book House 1989), p. 138.
1875AS003. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Albert Schweitzer. Carroll E. Simcox, 3000 Quotations on Christian Themes (Grand Rapids, Michigan: Baker Book House 1989), pp. 185-186.
1875AS004. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Albert Schweitzer. Carroll E. Simcox, 3000 Quotations on Christian Themes (Grand Rapids, Michigan: Baker Book House 1989), p. 22.
1875AS005. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Albert Schweitzer. Carroll E. Simcox, 3000 Quotations on Christian Themes (Grand Rapids, Michigan: Baker Book House 1989), p. 37.
1875AS006. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Albert Schweitzer. Carroll E. Simcox, 3000 Quotations on Christian Themes (Grand Rapids, Michigan: Baker Book House 1989), pp. 204-205.
1875AS007. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Albert Schweitzer. Carroll E. Simcox, 3000 Quotations on Christian Themes (Grand Rapids, Michigan: Baker Book House 1989), pp. 204-205.
1875AS008. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Albert Schweitzer, March 1956, Guideposts. James Beasely Simpson, Best Quotes of '54, '55, '56 (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, 1957), p. 351.
1875JP001. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). J.C. (James Cash) Penney, Fifty Years With the Golden Rule (New York: Harper & Brothers Publishers, 1950), pp. 239-245. Charles Crismier, Preserve Us a Nation- Returning to Our Historical & Biblical Roots (Gresham, Oregon: Vision House Publishing, Inc., 1994), pp. 113-114.
1875JP002. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). J.C. (James Cash) Penney, August 1956, The Rotarian, "Something to Lean On." James Beasely Simpson, Best Quotes of '54, '55, '56 (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, 1957), p. 353.
1876PP001. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Pope Pius XII, September 1, 1944, in a radio broadcast. John Bartlett, Bartlett's Familiar Quotations (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1855, 1980), p. 757.
1876PP002. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Harry S Truman, August 28, 1947, in an exchange of messages with Pope Pius XII. T.S. Settel, and the staff of Quote, editors, The Quotable Harry Truman introduction by Merle Miller (NY: Droke House Publishers, Inc., Berkley Publishing Corporation, 1967), pp. 79, 126.
1876PP003. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Harry S Truman, Larry Witham, "'Christian Nation' Now Fighting Words" (The Washington Times, November 23, 1992), p. Al. Gary DeMar, The Biblical Worldview (Atlanta, GA: An American Vision Publication-American Vision, Inc., 1993), Vol. 9, No. 2, p. 12. Church of the Holy Trinity v. United States; 143 U. S. 457, 471 (1892).
1876PP004. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Dwight David Eisenhower, March 2, 1955, in a tribute to Pope Pius XII, stated at a new conference. James Beasely Simpson, Best Quotes of '54, '55, '56 (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, 1957), p. 204.
1876PP005. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Pope Pius XII. August 22, 1955, Look Magazine, statement made in reply to an expression of loyalty given him from American bishop Fulton Sheen. James Beasely Simpson, Best Quotes of '54, '55, '56 (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, 1957), p. 239.
1876PP006. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Pope Pius XII. September 1955, Guideposts, statement made in a message for Labor Day. James Beasely Simpson, Best Quotes of '54, '55, '56 (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, 1957), p. 239.
1876PP007. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Pope Pius XII. January 8, 1956, in an address on the science and morality of painless childbirth. James Beasely Simpson, Best Quotes of '54, '55, '56 (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, 1957), p. 348.
1876PP008. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Pope Pius XII. April 1, 1956, in an Easter address in St. Peter's Square, Rome. James Beasely Simpson, Best Quotes of '54, '55, '56 (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, 1957), p. 349.
1876PP009. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Pope Pius XII. September 1, 1956, in a comment to a group of international heart specialists received at the Vatican, news summaries. James Beasely Simpson, Best Quotes of '54, '55, '56 (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, 1957), p. 349.
1876PP010. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Pope Pius XII. September 3, 1956, in an address from Rome to the seventy-seventh Catholic Day at Cologne, Germany, news summaries. James Beasely Simpson, Best Quotes of '54, '55, '56 (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, 1957), p. 350.
1876PP011. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Pope Pius XII. September 21, 1956, in a comment on interplanetary explorations, news summaries. James Beasely Simpson, Best Quotes of '54, '55, '56 (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, 1957), p. 350.
1876PP012. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Pope Pius XII. October 15, 1956, in an address to several thousand members of an Italian feminist group, news reports. James Beasely Simpson, Best Quotes of '54, '55, '56 (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, 1957), p. 350.
1876PP013. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Pope Pius XII. November 28, 1956, in a message to the Olympic Games at Melbourne, Australia, news reports. James Beasely Simpson, Best Quotes of '54, '55, '56 (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, 1957), p. 351.
1876CS001. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Colorado, 1876, Constitution, Preamble. Constitutions of the United States-National and State (Dobbs Ferry, New York: Oceana Publications, Inc., published for Legislative Drafting Research Fund of Columbia University, Issued October 1992), Vol. 1, Colorado (October 1992), p. 1. Charles E. Rice, The Supreme Court and Public Prayer (New York: Fordham University Press, 1964), p. 168; "Hearings, Prayers in Public Schools and Other Matters," Committee on the Judiciary, U.S. Senate (87th Cong., 2nd Sess.), 1962, pp. 268 et seq.
1876CS002. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Colorado, 1876, Constitution, Article II, Section 4. Religious Freedom. Constitutions of the United States-National and State (Dobbs Ferry, New York: Oceana Publications, Inc., published for Legislative Drafting Research Fund of Columbia University, Issued October 1992), Vol. 1, Colorado(October 1992), p. 2.
1876CS003. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Colorado, 1876, Constitution, Article II, Section 26. Slavery Prohibited. Constitutions of the United States-National and State (Dobbs Ferry, New York: Oceana Publications, Inc., published for Legislative Drafting Research Fund of Columbia University, Issued October 1992), Vol. 1, Colorado(October 1992), p. 6.
1876CS004. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Colorado, 1876, Constitution, Article X, Section 5. Constitutions of the United States-National and State (Dobbs Ferry, New York: Oceana Publications, Inc., published for Legislative Drafting Research Fund of Columbia University, Issued October 1992), Vol. 1, Colorado(October 1992), p. 55.
1876CS005. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Colorado State Motto, August 1, 1876. The World Book Encyclopedia, 18 vols. (Chicago, IL: Field Enterprises, Inc., 1957; W.F. Quarrie and Company, 8 vols., 1917; World Book, Inc., 22 vols., 1989), Vol. 3, p. 1602. John Wilson Taylor, M.A., Ph.D., et al., The Lincoln Library of Essential Information (Buffalo, New York: The Frontier Press Company, 1935), p. 2067. Charles Wallis, ed., Our American Heritage (NY: Harper & Row, Publishers, Inc., 1970), p. 30.
1877WB001. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). William W. Bennett, 1877, in his work titled, A Narrative of the Great Revival Which Prevailed in the Southern Armies. John Williams Jones, D.D., Christ in the Camp (Richmond, VA: B.F. Johnson & Co., 1887, 1897; The Martin & Hoyt Co., 1904; Harrisonburg, VA: Sprinkle Publications, 1986), p. 390. Gardiner H. Shattuck, Jr., "Revivals in the Camp-Reports of the Revival" (Carol Stream, IL: Christian History, Christianity Today, Inc., 1992), Vol. XI, No. 1, Issue 33, p. 29. Peter Marshall and David Manuel, The Glory of America (Bloomington, MN: Garborg's Heart'N Home, Inc., 1991), 1.15.
1877WB002. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). William W. Bennett, 1877, in his work titled, A Narrative of the Great Revival Which Prevailed in the Southern Armies. Gardiner H. Shattuck, Jr., "Revivals in the Camp-Reports of the Revival" (Carol Stream, IL: Christian History, Christianity Today, Inc., 1992), Vol. XI, No. 1, Issue 33, p. 29.
1877WB003. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). William W. Bennett, 1862, report of a soldier to Chaplain William W. Bennett after the Battle of Cross Keys, regarding General Stonewall Jackson. William W. Bennett, A Narrative of the Great Revival Which Prevailed in the Southern Armies, p. 67. Peter Marshall and David Manuel, The Glory of America (Bloomington, MN: Garborg's Heart'N Home, Inc., 1991), 8.13.
1877WB004. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). William W. Bennett, the last words of soldier T.S. Chandler of the 6th South Carolina Regiment. Chaplain William W. Bennett, A Narrative of the Great Revival Which Prevailed in the Southern Armies, p. 243. Peter Marshall and David Manuel, The Glory of America (Bloomington, MN: Garborg's Heart'N Home, Inc., 1991), 9.29.
1877WB005. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). William W. Bennett, Spring 1865, in a Resolution of five Georgia Brigades of the Confederate Army. William W. Bennett, A Narrative of the Great Revival Which Prevailed in the Southern Armies, p. 420. Peter Marshall and David Manuel, The Glory of America (Bloomington, MN: Garborg's Heart'N Home, Inc., 1991), 3.21.
1877JJ001. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Sir James Hopwood Jeans, 1930, in his work, The Mysterious Universe. John Bartlett, Bartlett's Familiar Quotations (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1855, 1980), p. 758.
1877NH001. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). New Hampshire, 1877, Constitution.
1877GA001. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Georgia, 1877, Constitution.
1878DU001. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Duquesne University, 1878, Motto. Charles Wallis, ed., Our American Heritage (NY: Harper & Row, Publishers, Inc., 1970), p. 176.
1878US001. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). United States Supreme Court, 1878, Reynolds v. United States, 98 U.S. 145, 165 (1878). 1878HF001. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Henry Emerson Fosdick, 1920, in The Meaning of Service. John Bartlett, Bartlett's Familiar Quotations (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1855, 1980), p. 759.
1878HF002. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Henry Emerson Fosdick. Charles Wallis, ed., Our American Heritage (NY: Harper & Row, Publishers, Inc., 1970), p. 23.
1878HF003. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Henry Emerson Fosdick. Perry Tanksley, To Love is to Give (Jackson, Mississippi: Allgood Books, Box 1329; Parthenon Press, 201 8th Ave., South, Nashville, Tennessee, 1972), p. 65.
1878PL001. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Paul Lemoine, statement attributed. Henry M. Morris, Men of Science-men of God (El Cajon, CA: Master Books, Creation Life Publishers, Inc., 1990), p. 84.
1878PL002. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Paul Lemoine, in Encyclopedie Francaise (French Encyclopedia, circa 1950s), volume 5.
1878CS001. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Carl Sandburg. Carroll E. Simcox, comp., 4400 Quotations for Christian Communicators (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House, 1991), p. 23.
1879AE001. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Albert Einstein, November 9, 1930, statement in an article in the The New York Times, recounted in an obituary reporting Albert Einstein's death, April 19, 1955. James Beasely Simpson, Best Quotes of '54, '55, '56 (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, 1957), p. 185.
1879AE002. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Albert Einstein. Philip Frank, Einstein, His Life and Times (1947). ("I shall never believe that God plays dice with the world.") John Bartlett, Bartlett's Familiar Quotations (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1855, 1980), p. 763. ("I cannot believe that God plays dice with the cosmos!") James Beasely Simpson, Best Quotes of '54, '55, '56 (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, 1957), p. 186. Unlocking the Mysteries of Creation, Dennis R. Petersen, B.S., M.A. (El Cajon, CA: Master Books, 1988), p. 79. Willard Cantelon, New Money or None? (Plainfield, NJ: Logos International, 1979), p. 239.
1879AE003. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Albert Einstein. James Beasely Simpson, Best Quotes of '54, '55, '56 (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, 1957), p. 187. Quotations recalled in obituaries reporting his death, April 19, 1955.
1879AE004. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Albert Einstein, statement describing the theory of relativity. James Beasely Simpson, Best Quotes of '54, '55, '56 (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, 1957), p. 188. Quotations recalled in obituaries reporting his death, April 19, 1955.
1879AE005. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Albert Einstein, engraved over the fireplace in Fine Hall, Princeton, N.J. Burton Stevenson, The Home Book of Quotations-Classical & Modern (New York: Dodd, Mead and Company, 1967). ("Raffiniert ist der Herr Gott, aber Boshaft ist er nicht,"-"The Lord God is subtle, but malicious he is not.") John Bartlett, Bartlett's Familiar Quotations (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1855, 1980), p. 764. ("God is subtle but he is not malicious") James Beasely Simpson, Best Quotes of '54, '55, '56 (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, 1957), p. 186.
1879AE006. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Albert Einstein, statement. Spiegel Daily Calendar Appointment Book (Ogle Publishing Co., 20723 S.W. Settlement Drive, sherwood, OR 97140, 1-800-914-6453), 2.24.
1879AE007. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Albert Einstein, October 26, 1929, "What Life Means to Einstein: An Interview by George Sylvester Viereck" The Saturday Evening Post (October 29, 1929) p. 17. As reported in Einstein - A Life (1996) by Denis Brian, when asked about a clipping from a magazine article reporting his comments on Christianity as taken down by Viereck, Einstein carefully read the clipping and replied, "That is what I believe."
1879LV001. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Vachel Lindsay, 1913, in his poem General Booth Enters into Heaven. John Bartlett, Bartlett's Familiar Quotations (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1855, 1980), p. 765.
1880DM001. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Douglas MacArthur, April 9, 1942, in a tribute to the troops of Bataan. Major General Courtney Whitney, MacArthur: His Rendezvous with History (Alfred A. Knopf, Inc, 1956; Time, Inc., 1955). James Beasely Simpson, Best Quotes of '54, '55, '56 (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, 1957), p. 259.
1880DM002. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Douglas MacArthur, 1942, comment on being named Father of the Year, 1942. Major General Courtney Whitney, MacArthur: His Rendezvous with History (Alfred A. Knopf, Inc, 1956; Time, Inc., 1955). James Beasely Simpson, Best Quotes of '54, '55, '56 (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, 1957), p. 260.
1880DM003. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Douglas MacArthur, October 20, 1944, upon landing on Leyte, Philippines. John Bartlett, Bartlett's Familiar Quotations (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1855, 1980), p. 771.
1880DM004. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Douglas MacArthur, October 20, 1944, in a radio speech broadcast from the invasion beach on returning to the Philippines. Major General Courtney Whitney, MacArthur: His Rendezvous with History (Alfred A. Knopf, Inc, 1956; Time, Inc., 1955). James Beasely Simpson, Best Quotes of '54, '55, '56 (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, 1957), p. 260.
1880DM005. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Douglas MacArthur, statement. Major General Courtney Whitney, MacArthur: His Rendezvous with History (Alfred A. Knopf, Inc, 1956; Time, Inc., 1955). James Beasely Simpson, Best Quotes of '54, '55, '56 (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, 1957), p. 260.
1880DM006. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Douglas MacArthur, September 2, 1945, in a prayer given aboard the battleship USS Missouri in Tokyo Bay, at a meeting with leaders of Allied forces to sign the treaty of surrender of Japan. Charles Colson, Kingdoms in Conflict (Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan Publishing House, 1987), p. 178.
1880DM007. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Douglas MacArthur, September 2, 1945, in a speech given aboard the battleship USS Missouri in Tokyo Bay, at a meeting with leaders of Allied forces to sign the treaty of surrender of Japan. William Safire, ed., Lend Me Your Ears-Great Speeches in History (NY: W.W. Norton & Company 1992), p. 173.
1880DM008. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Douglas MacArthur, Jeffrey K. Hadden and Anson Shupe, Televangelism: Power & Politics on God's Frontier (NY: Henry Holt and Company, 1988), p. 116.
1880DM009. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Douglas MacArthur, April 19, 1951, in a speech to a Joint Session of Congress in which he announced his retirement. Frederick C. Packard, Jr., ed., Are You an American?-Great Americans Speak (NY: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1951), p. 105. Major General Courtney Whitney, MacArthur: His Rendezvous with History (Alfred A. Knopf, Inc, 1956; Time, Inc., 1955). James Beasely Simpson, Best Quotes of '54, '55, '56 (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, 1957), p. 260. Charles Hurd, ed., A Treasury of Great American Speeches (NY: Hawthorne Books, 1959), p. 296. William Safire, ed., Lend Me Your Ears-Great Speeches in History (NY: W.W. Norton & Company 1992), p. 379.
1880DM010. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Douglas MacArthur, January 18, 1955, an inscription on a monument that was dedicated to General Douglas MacArthur at the occasion of his seventy-fifth birthday, news reports. James Beasely Simpson, Best Quotes of '54, '55, '56 (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, 1957), p. 103.
1880DM011. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Douglas MacArthur, May 12, 1962, in a speech delivered at the U.S. Military Academy at West Point. William Safire, ed., Lend Me Your Ears-Great Speeches in History (NY: W.W. Norton & Company 1992), p. 76.
1880DM012. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Douglas MacArthur, "A Father's Prayer," composed in the early days of World War II while in the Pacific. Major General Courtney Whitney, MacArthur: His Rendezvous with History (Alfred A. Knopf, Inc, 1956; Time, Inc., 1955). James Beasely Simpson, Best Quotes of '54, '55, '56 (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, 1957), pp. 261-262. Bob Cutshall, More Light for the Day (Minneapolis, MN: Northwestern Products, Inc., 1991), 6.21.
1880DM013. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Douglas MacArthur, John Stormer, The Death of a Nation (Florissant, MO: Liberty Bell Press, 1968), p. 128. John Eidsmoe, God & Caesar-Christian Faith & Political Action (Westchester, IL: Crossway Books, a Division of Good News Publishers, 1984), p. 68. George Otis, The Solution to the Crisis in America, Revised and Enlarged Edition (Van Nuys, CA.: Fleming H. Revell Company; Bible Voice, Inc., 1970, 1972, foreword by Pat Boone), pp. 41-42.
1880HK001. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Helen Adams Keller. Tryon Edwards, D.D., The New Dictionary of Thoughts-A Cyclopedia of Quotations (Garden City, NY: Hanover House, 1852; revised and enlarged by C.H. Catrevas, Ralph Emerson Browns and Jonathan Edwards [descendent, along with Tryon, of Jonathan Edwards (1703-1758), president of Princeton], 1891; The Standard Book Company, 1955, 1963), p. 46.
1880HK002. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Helen Adams Keller. Bless Your Heart (series II) (Eden Prairie, MN: Heartland Samplers, Inc., 1990), 3.2.
1880HK003. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Helen Adams Keller. Bless Your Heart (series II) (Eden Prairie, MN: Heartland Samplers, Inc., 1990), 4.7.
1880HK004. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Helen Adams Keller. In the film documentary of the life of Helen Keller, The Unconquered. James Beasely Simpson, Best Quotes of '54, '55, '56 (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, 1957), p. 63.
1880HK005. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Helen Adams Keller, February 5, 1955, in a message typed on a conventional typewriter during an interview with newsmen just prior to her forty thousand mile world- wide journey, much of which was by airplane. James Beasely Simpson, Best Quotes of '54, '55, '56 (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, 1957), p. 183. 1880HK006. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Helen Adams Keller, June 26, 1955, just a few days before her seventy-fifth birthday, news reports. James Beasely Simpson, Best Quotes of '54, '55, '56 (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, 1957), p. 183.
1880HK007. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Helen Adams Keller, June 26, 1955, regarding reading the Bible, news reports. James Beasely Simpson, Best Quotes of '54, '55, '56 (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, 1957), p. 184.
1881CD001. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Cecil Blount DeMille, 1956, at the New York opening of the film The Ten Commandments.
1881WT001. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). William Temple, in The Malvern Manifesto. John Bartlett, Bartlett's Familiar Quotations (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1855, 1980), p. 775.
1882SR001. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Sam Rayburn, March 20, 1955, comment made as Speaker of the House of Representatives upon the opening of a prayer and meditation room in the U.S. Capitol Building, news reports. James Beasely Simpson, Best Quotes of '54, '55, '56 (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, 1957), p. 237.
1882CS001. William J. Federer, American Quotations (2014). Charles Milton Stine. Henry M. Morris, Men of Science-men of God (El Cajon, CA: Master Books, Creation Life Publishers, Inc., 1990), p. 83.